Tamura Taijiro's Shunpuden

The life of a Chosenese "spring girl" in wartime China

By William Wetherall

First drafted 23 December 2014
First posted 28 August 2015
Last updated 26 August 2023


Shunpuden Tamura Taijirō Shunpuden editions Wartime setting Original story GHQ/SCAP suppresses original Kerkham on censorship Sato on censorship Kawasaki on Shunpuden
Carnality in action Tamura's praise of Chosenese women Flesh trumps race (and love conquers all)
"Would the Emperor call me a whore?"  Harumi's "racial backhand" against Japanese who made a fool of her
Shunpuden in comfort women lore  Kaibara Hiroshi's lampoon of Hirohito's ianfu
Shunpuden films Akatsuki no dassō (1950) "Escape at Dawn" Shunpuden (1965) "Story of a Prostitute"

Related articles
"Comfort women" or "sex slaves"?   Accurate history v. ideological exaggeration and denial (17 + 3 articles)
Aso Tetsu 1939 and Amako Kuni 2010   Medical and other measures for venereal disease prevention in the military


Tamura Taijirō's "Shunpuden" (1947)

How the life of a wartime "spring girl"
survived postwar censorship

One of the most important works in Japanese fiction to depict the lives of women who worked in military-attached brothels in China -- arguably better as "social history" than many radical accounts of "military sex slaves" -- is Tamura Taijirō's Shunpuden.

Contemporary readers of the published version of this story, as edited by its author and/or publisher both before and after it was supressed by censors at General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (GHQ/SCAP), would have had no trouble understanding that the three most prominent women in the story were from Chōsen, and that their real names were Chosenese. Even I, when reading the first few pages of the story, without any explicit mention of Chōsen or Chosenese, could figure out that Tamura was excluding the girls from those he called "Japanese" and "Chinese" -- and he wasn't suggesting that they were Russians or Karafutoans.

A few years later -- when studying the contributions of Chosenese novelists to Japanese-language literature during the period that Chōsen was part of Japan and Chosenese were Japanese -- I realized that Tamura's title -- Shunfuden -- is itself a giveaway to the novel's Chōsen connections. The most famous classical Korean love story is titled Shunkōden (春香傳, 春香伝) -- or Chunhyangjŏn (春香傳 춘향전) in Korean. The story became well known in Japan's prefectural Interior, thanks to multiple publications of Chō Kakuchū's novelization in the late 1930s and early 1940s, and dramatizations on stages in the Interior in the late 1930s.

See Cho Kakuchu, Shunkoden, 1938, in the Fiction section of the Bibliographies section of the Konketsuji website, for images and other details.

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Tamura Taijiro's nikutai trilogy, 1946-1947

Tamura trilogy 1946 Nikutai no akuma
1948-09 Nihon Shorin edition
Yosha Bunko scan
Tamura trilogy 1947 Nikutai no mon
1947-10 Fusetsusha edition
Yosha Bunko scan
Tamura trilogy 1947 Shunpuden
1947-05 Ginza Shoten edition
Yosha Bunko scan

Tamura Taijiro

Carnality in wartime China and postwar Japan

Tamura Taijirō (田村泰次郎 1900-1983), born and raised in Kōchi prefecture, was educated in literature at Waseda University. He was active in literary circles, and was earning his living as a novelist and writer, when the conflict between Japan and China -- later called a war -- broke out in 1937.

In 1938 Tamura visited China, and the next year he visited Manchuria and northern China with other writers, who wrote about their observations and experiences in these areas. Many literary figures worked during the war years as journalists attached to Japanese military units.

Tamura himself was drafted in 1940 and spent the rest of the war in Shanhsi, the setting of Shunpuden. He was involved in combat and was also once captured. He had risen to the rank of sergeant by the time the war ended in 1945, but would not return to Occupied Japan until 1946.

Tamura's first novel, Nikutai no akuma, or "Demons of flesh" (肉体の悪魔), is about the carnality he witnessed in northern China. It was serialized from September 1946 before being published in a soft cover edition with the low grade pulp in use at the time. The story involves a relationship between a Japanese soldier and a Chinese women who had been captured as a communist guerrilla. He protects her from the brutality of other Japanese soldiers until she is returned to her village.

Tamura's most famous novel, Nikutai no mon, or "Gate of flesh" (肉体の門), was published in May 1947. The novel has been the basis of four films and a TV drama as of this writing. The story involves a prostitution ring in postwar Japan, in which the girls agree never to sleep with a man for free, and never to sleep with a GI.

Shunpuden, the topic of this article, also writen in 1946, was first published in May 1947, as the third of Tamura's "nikutai triology".

Nikutai no mon immediately became a bestseller and was made into a film with the same title in 1948. Shunpuden followed as a film titled Akatsuki no dassō in 1950. As Japan was then under the control of the Allied Powers, the novels and the films were subject to prior inspection and censorship. Shunpuden and Akatsuki no dassō; were especially problematical for Allied censors on account of what GHQ/SCAP viewed as the "Korean problem" in Japan -- meaning the 600,000 or so Chosenese who had chosen to remain in Occupied Japan rather than be repatriated.

Both Nikutai no mon and Shunpuden were remade into films, under these tiles, by Suzuki Seijun (鈴木清順 1923-2017), in respectively 1964 and 1965. These films -- again especially Nikutai no mon -- became attracted a lot of attention on account of their themes. Today they are cult films, both in Japan and overseas, where they are widely available in sub-titled versions.

Nikutai no akuma was the Japanese title of the 1923 novel Le Diable au corps [The devil in the body (flesh)] by Raymond Radiguet 1903-1923). The novel has been translated into Japanese numerous times, twice before the Pacific War, in 1930 and 1936, under the title Nikutai no akuma (肉体の悪魔). A French film version, released in France on 12 September 1947 and in Japan on 6 November 1952, became very popular in subtitled and dubbed editions. I would guess that Tamura, a literature student, borrowed the title of his novel from the Japanese translation of Radiguet's novel. Tamura's Nikutai no akuma has never been made into a film. Nikkatsu's 29 October 1877 release of Nikutai no akuma, in its Nikkatsu Porno series, was a Japanization of 's novel.

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May 1947 Ginza Shuppansha edition

Tamura 1949 Tamura 1949
Font and back of cover of 1947 Ginza Shoten edition
Drawings by Migishi Setsuko (Yosha Bunko copy)

October 1949 Yakumo Shoten edition

Tamura 1949 Tamura 1949
Fronts of obi and jacket of 1949 Yakumo Shoten edition
Obi advertises book as original story of Shin Tōhō film
Akatsuki no dassō [Escape at dawn] in which
A stiffling fog enwraps two young lumps of flesh
that cut harsh army regulations into lust

息苦しい胡沙が苛酷な軍紀を愛慾に截つた
二つの若い肉塊を包んで行つた。
Tamura 1949 Tamura 1949
Front and back of cover of 1949 Yakumo Shoten edition
Cover drawings by Okamura Fuji (Yosha Bunko copy)

1962 Shun'yōdō Shoten bunko edition

Tamura 1962 Tamura 1962
1966 3rd printing of 1962 Shun'yōdō Shoten bunko edition
Jacket drawing by Naruse Kazutomi (Yosha Bunko copy)

1965 Tōhōsha boxed edition

Tamura 1965 Tamura 1965
Cover and frontispiece of 1965 Tōhōsha edition
April 1947 photo of Tamura at Yangch'üan in Shanhsi province
Boxed edition with heavy red cloth boards (Yosha Bunko)

Chō Kakuchū's Shunkōden (1938)

Cho 1938 Cho 1938
Fronts of obi and cover of 1938 Shinchōsha edition
Cover drawing by Murayama Tomoyoshi (Yosha Bunko copy)
"The emotions of the peninsular race swell like the tides"
See Cho Kakuchu, Shunkoden, 1938 for details

Editions of "Shunpuden" in Yosha Bunko

Tamura's nikutai triology -- especially Nikutai no mon, has been published in many single volume editions and numerous

1947 Ginza Shuppansha edition

田村泰次郎
装幀:三岸節子
春婦伝
東京:銀座出版社
昭和昭二十二年五月二十日印刷
昭和昭二十二年五月二十五日發行
2 (forward), 2 (contents), 251 (stories) ページ、初版

Tamura Taijirō
Cover drawing: Migishi Setsuko
Shunpuden
[The life of a spring woman]
Tokyo: Ginza Shuppansha
20 May 1947, printed
25 May 1947, published
2, 2, 251 pages, 1st edition, paper cover

1949 Yakumo Shoten edition

田村泰次郎
装幀:岡村夫二
春婦伝
東京:八雲書店
昭和昭廿四年十月廿五日印刷
昭和昭廿四年十月三十日發行
268ページ、初版、カバー、帯

Tamura Taijirō
Cover drawing: Okamura Fuji
Shunpuden
[The life of a spring woman]
Tokyo: Yakumo Shoten
25 October 1949, printed
30 October 1949, published
268 pages, 1st edition
Paper cover, jacket, obi

1962 Shun'yōdō Shoten bunko edition

田村泰次郎
装幀:成瀬一富
春婦伝
東京:春陽堂書店
昭和昭三七年八月五日 第一刷発行
昭和昭四一年一月三〇日 第三刷発行
223ページ、カバー, 春陽文庫

Tamura Taijirō
Cover drawing: Naruse Kazutomi
Shunpuden
[The life of a spring woman]
Tokyo: Shun'yōdō Shoten
5 August 1962, 1st printing published
30 January 1966, 3rd printing published
223 pages, cover, Shun'yō Bunko

1965 Tōhōsha boxed edition

田村泰次郎
中川一政 (題簽扉)
春婦伝
東京:東方社、昭和昭四十年二月一日発行
237ページ、函

Tamura Taijirō
Nakagawa Kazumasa (title calligraphy)
Shunpuden
[The life of a spring woman]
Tokyo: Tōhōsha, 1 February 1965
237 pages, hardcover, boxed

The 1947 Ginza Shuppansha edition is a collection of 8 stories, beginning with the cover story, the novella Shunpuden (pages 1-69), by far the longest story.

The 1949 Yakumo Shoten edition also had 8 stories, beginning with Shunpuden (pages 5-73), followed by the second story in the 1947 Ginza Shuppansha collection. All 6 other stories are different.

The 1962 Shun'yōdō Shoten bunko edition includes 5 stories in addition to Shunpuden (pages 1-48), all of them different from the stories in the earlier anthologies.

The 1965 Tōhōsha edition features Shunpuden (pages 5-57) with 7 stories not in the earlier editions, including Nikutai no akama (1946), the first of his "nikutai triology", the second being Nikutai no mon and the third Shunpuden, all written in 1946 immediately after Tamura returned to Japan from China. The frontispiece of this edition is captioned "A portrait during the war" which is said to show Tamura at Yangch'üan (Yangquan) in Shanhsi (Shanxi) province.

Movie tie-in

Tōhōsha's 1 February 1965 publication of the slip-cased Shunpuden anthology edition was timed for Nikkatsu's 28 February 1965 release of Suzuki Seijun's film version of Shunpuden. The anthology included Nikutai no mon, also directed by Suzuki, which Nikkatsu had released on 31 May 1964.

Nikutai no mon was hugely successful in theatres at a time when Japan's postwar film industry was at its peak, but beginning to feel the threat of the spread of television and the variety of television fare that would eventually force film companies to reduce their movie production from 1 or 2 a week to just a few a year, and force all but a few local movie theaters to close.

Nogawa Yumiko (野川由美子), born in Kyōto in 1944, though second billed in Nikutai no mon, stole the show with her sexy performance, and was cast as the heroine Hiromi in Shunpuden. Nogawa would go on to be a major film, TV, and stage actresses.

Nogawa, as a woman's weekly magazine reported in February 1966, had only recently learned that she was a national of ROC, through her father, who had married a Japanese woman. She apparently naturalized on or about 21 November 1966.

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Wartime setting of "Shunpuden"

The action in Shunpuden unfolds during the period when Japan was at war in China but not with China -- at least from Japan's point of view, and apparently also ROC's perspective -- because neither country delared war on the other. ROC would declare war on Japan the day after Japan attacked Pearl Harbor in 1941, joining America's declaration of war on Japan. Japan didn't declare war on ROC, because in 1940 it had recognized another Chinese government, which declared war on the United States in 1943. So at the time of Shunpuden, Japan is not fighting China, but resistance forces, mostly communist units in the hinterlands of northern China.

The Marco Polo Bridge incident north of Peiping on 7 July 1937 sparked battles between Japanese and Chinese forces in northern China. These battles took place in and around Peiping, as Peking had been renamed in 1928 when Chiang Kai-shek moved the capital of China to Nanking.

Shunpuden opens in the port town of Tientsin, where Japan had a small garrison as part of its extraterritorial concession there. By 30 July 1937, Tientsin had fallen to Japan, though for a while Japan continued to respect other foreign concessions.

The three women featured in Shunpuden had been working for a brothel in Tientsin, and were probably there from before the time Japanese troops took control of the city.

By the middle of August, Japanese forces were embroiled in hostilities in southern China, and on 12 November they controlled Shanghai, from which they pursued Chinese forces fighting defensive battles in retreat up the Yangtze river. By 13 December the Chinese capital at Nanking had fallen, and by 25 October 1938, Japanese forces controlled Wuhan, halfway of the Yangtze between Shanghai and Chungking (Chongqing), where Chiang Kai-shek had set up his government in exile.

Neither Japan or ROC declared war on the other country at that point. Japan ignored ROC's government in exile and worked instead with Chiang Kai-shek's former ally, now rival, Wang Ching-wei, to secure a constructive alliance between Japan and China.

On 30 March 1940, Japan sealed an agreement with Wang Ching-wei, who after ROC's government fled to Chungking had established his own nationalist government in the belief that China would suffer less by not fighting Japan. However, Japanese forces in the hinterlands of China continued to face mostly sporadic, though at times intense resistance from Chiang's nationalist forces and Mao Tse-tung's liberation army -- which had been fighting each other before Japan's incursions, but agreed to a truce in order to resist Japan.

The main action in Shunpuden takes place at a forward Japanese army base in Yu county (盂県) in Shanhsi (Shanxi, Shansi) province (山西省). The county was at the front between Japanese units and guerilla bases. Japanese forces had invaded Shanhsi province shortly after the start of hostilities in northern China in the summer of 1937. Shanhsi was a stronghold of anti-Japanese resistance, and Japanese forces continued to carry out retaliatory actions against guerillas from Japan's bases in Shanhsi. Tamura spent most of the war years serving in the Imperial Army at bases in Shanhsi.

Yu county   In 1995, four Chinese women from Yu County filed law suits against the Japanese government. They claimed they had been abducted and raped and made to work as comfort women by Japanese soldiers and demanded reparations and an apology. Three similar lawsuits followed. By 2011, all suits had been dismissed. Some of the judgments recognized the allegations but ruled that applicable laws did not permit judicial relief. The courts held that the women had no legal right to compensation, because Japan and the People's Republic of China (PRC), when normalizing their relationship in 1972, had agreed that all grievances were settled, and because of statutes of limitations.

"China" recognition politics as of 2023

Note that the peace treaty signed between Japan and the Republic of China (ROC) in Taipei on 28 April 1952, the day most terms of the San Francisco Peace Treaty came into effect, also made no provisions for war-related claims against either government. The peace treaty with ROC, and later the normalization treaty with the People's Republic of China (PRC) when Japan's switched its "China" recognition from ROC to PRC, in principle ended hostilities between Japan and China that some historians date from 1931-1945 and call the "15-year War", but others more appropriately date from 1937-1945 and call the "8-year War. Both are sometimes characterized as the "2nd Sino-Japanese War", alluding to the "1st Sino-Japanese War" of 1894-1895.

Though ROC was an Allied Power, Japan was not at war with ROC. So why did Japan have to sign a peace treaty with ROC? Because ROC had declared war on Japan the same day the United States declared war, the day after Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. Even then, Japan did not declare war on ROC, for the simple reason that ROC did not exist as a state in Japan's view. Japan had recognized Wang Jin-wei's China in 1940, and as an ally of Japan, Wang's China declared war on the United States in 1943. The Allied Powers, though, recognized only ROC.

However, Japan's unconditional surrender in 1945 to the Allied Powers, which included ROC, spelled the end of the government of China that Japan had recognized, and set the stage for Chiang's ROC exiled government in Chungking to return to Nanking. Chiang's government attempted to regain its control of China, such as it was before 1931 when China lost Manchuria. But things did not go well for ROC. The resumption of the civil war between Chiang's nationalist forces and Mao's liberation army resulted in ROC's defeat on the mainland, and Mao's founding of the People's Republic of China, in 1949.

ROC's government, and what remained of its military forces, retreated to Taiwan, from where ROC continued to represent the entirety of China in the United National -- until 1971, when the UN voted to give its China seat to PRC. Japan recognized PRC in lieu of ROC in 1972. The United States switched its recognition from ROC to PRC in 1979.

As of this writing in 2023, ROC survives as a state in its own eyes, but is now recognized by only 12 of the 193 UN member states. For all means and purposes, the armed standoff between ROC and PRC, that began across the Taiwan straits when ROC's government fled to Taiwan and PRC was established in 1949, continues today. ROC has given up its claim to the mainland provinces, and agrees that there is only one China -- but that the one China does not include Taiwan. In the meantime, PRC insists that it's one China includes Taiwan, and opposes any movement toward "Taiwan independence" -- though, in fact, Taiwan as the seat of the ROC government has never not been independent.

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Original story of "Shunpuden"

Shunpuden is set at a brothel attached to a Japanese Imperial Army unit in China. The original story features Harumi (春美) from Heijō (平壤 P'yŏngyang), and Yuriko (百合子) and Sachiko (さち子) from Heian Kokudō (平安北道 P'yŏng'an Pukto), both parts of presentday DPRK. Harumi's name -- "spring beauty" -- virtually declares that she is the heroine.

The original version, which has never been published, contained a number of direct references to Chōsen, as well as the above place names. The revised published versions do not mention Chōsen, or the names of the women's home provinces, but other references make it clear that they are probably Chosenese.

The name Harumi is best known today as that of the singer Miyako Harumi (都はるみ). She was born Ri Chunmi/Harumi (李春美) in 1948 the daughter of a Chosenese father and Interior mother, in Occupied Japan, where under Japanese and Allied Occupation law they were Japanese. Miyako and her family lost Japanese nationality in 1952 with other Chosenese and Taiwanese, and she naturalized in 1966 as Kitamura Harumi (北村春美), thus adopting her mother's family name. This was a year after Japan and the Republic of Korea normalized their relationship and signed a status agreement according to which Japan officially recognized ROK nationality. Most Chosenese in Japan eventually migrated to ROK nationality, but a few thousand -- including those born and raised in the prefectural Interior after Japan's surrender, and after the status agreement came into effect in 1966 -- remain Chonenese. The alien status of "Chosenese" in Japan today remains a legacy post-colonial status unrelated to either ROK or its rival for Chosenese loyalty, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (which really translates "People's Republic of Chosŏn").

For more about Miyako Harumi and other Chosenese and Korean public figures in Japan, see Public Figures in Popular Culture: Identity Problems of Minority Heroes in the Minorities section of Yosha Bunko.

For more about "Chosenese" as a post-colonial legacy status, unrelated to ROK or DPRK, see Zaitokukai and the Japanese roots of Zainichiism: Special Permanent Residents as a caste of descendants of former Japanese, also in the Minorities section.

The three girls who appear from the opening of Shunpuden had been sold to a brothel in the port town of Tientsin (天津 Tianjin) by their parents, in what was then a fairly widely practiced and legal form of indentured servitude pretty much throughout East Asia. Harumi had fallen in love a Japanese man named Arita Kan'ichi (有田寛市), who operated a flower company. She was attempting to pay off her debt, to marry him, when he returns to the Interior and comes back to Tientsin with a Japanese wife.

Tamura characterized the girls a having been "born "

Harumi and the other two girls then volunteer for work at a brothel being set up for an Imperial Japanese Army battalion encamped at a town in a neighboring inland province. The station is under military control, and Harumi and the other girls find themselves servicing lower ranking soldiers by day and officers by night. Harumi falls in love with Private Mikami Masayoshi, but has to tolerate forceful demands by his commanding officer, Aide-de-Camp (Lieutenant) Narita. A series of events results in Mikami being confined by Narita. Mikami asks Harumi to steal a grenade from Narita to help them escape, and when she realizes he plans to kill himself, she joins him in death. Yuriko and Sachiko cremate Harumi and scatter her ashes, not knowing her real name.

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GHQ/SCAP suppresses original version of "Shunpuden"

The earliest version of Shunpuden that Tamura presented for public consumption appears in the galleys for the April 1947 inagural issue of the literary magazine Nihon shōsetsu. Tamura's story headed the list of several stories by various writers, some better known or more highly acclaimed than he.

The galleys of the April 1947 issue of the magazine were "submitted [for approval of publication] in January 1947 to the book section of the Press, Publications, and Broadcasting (PPB) of the Civil Censorship Detachment (CCD)" and hence Shunpuden had to have been written in 1946 (Kerkham 2001: 323-324). More specifically, they were submitted to "the Press-Publications unit of the Press, Publications and Broadcasting [sic = Broadcast] Division (PPB) of the Civil Censorship Detachment (CCD)" (Kerkham 2001: 335).

A copy of the suppressed galleys survives in the Gorden W. Prange Collection at the University of Maryland, and related documents. Prange (1910-1980) was a professor of history at the University of Maryland before the Pacific War and returned to the university after serving in the US Army from 1942-1951. He was stationed in Occupied Japan, during which time he served as General MacArthur's (SCAP's) Chief Historian. After returning to his professorial post, he wrote several books about the war, based on the primary sources he had collected, and the interviews conducted with Japanese military officers and others during his stay in Japan.

Civil Censorship Detachment (CCD) had a Communications Division which monitored mail, telegrams, and telephone communications, and a Press, Publications [Pictorial], and Broadcast Division that examined newspapers, books, movies, and plays. CCD was closely overseen by military intelligence officers in G-2 in the Government Section (GS), which was the military component of General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (GHQ/SCAP). The Civil Communication Section (CCS) was responsible for helping rebuild Japan's radio, telephone, and telegraph infrastructure. The Civil Information and Education Section (CIE) was in charge of public information, education, religion, and other sociological and cultural matters. At the time, radio was the only electronic mass medium for disseminating public information and providing educational, entertainment, and cultural programs. The offices of both CCD and CIE were located in NHK's Tokyo headquarters building, which GHQ/SCAP had requisitioned for the purpose of using radio to help democratize Japan. NHK was then Japan's principal radio broadcaster. It would not begin its television services until 1955, three years after the end of the Allied Occupation.

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Eleanor Kerkham Eleanor Kerkham

Eleanor Kerkham on censorship of "Shunpuden"

From "HOLD" to "SUPPRESS"

The most valuable examinations of GHQ/SCAP's censorship of Shunpuden in English, based on an examination of original documents in the Gorden W. Prange Collection at the University of Maryland, have been made by Eleanor Kerkham, a now retired professor of Japanese literature at the University of Maryland.

Kerkham 2001

Eleanor Kerkham
Pleading for the Body: Tamura Taijiro's 1947 Korean Comfort Woman Story, Biography of a Prostitute
In Marlene J. Mayo and J. Thomas Rimer, editors, with H. Eleanor Kerkham
War, Occupation, and Creativity: Japan and East Asia, 1920-1960
Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2001
xiii, 405 pages, paperback
Pages 310-359

Kerkham 2013

Eleanor Kerkham
Censoring Tamura's "Biography of a Prostitute" (Shunpuden)
In Rachael Hutchinson, editor
Negotiating Censorship in Modern Japan
(Routledge Contemporary Japan Series)
Routledge, 2013
264 pages, hardcover
Pages 152-175

Mayo's introduction

War, Occupation, and Creativity is a conference book, and as such it is a bit of a mixed bag. On the whole it is well edited but not all contributions are of equal quality. Editor (and contributor) Marlene J. Mayo leads her "Introduction" like this.

IF RECENT DECADES HAVE TAUGHT US nothing else in the twentieth century, they have forced us to concede that no statement is a neutral statement; no art, however pure, can be created or understood apart from the politics of its time. Conversely, the real significance of those some politics, sometimes half-hidden, can often find distinctive and revealing reflections in the arts.

If taking Mayo at her word, then her own statement lacks neutrality, and it has to be understood in terms of contemporary politics. The statement established a foundation for the generally "critical" approaches that, by the end of the 20th century, had taken root in American studies of Imperial Japan.

Most contributions are jargon free, and their contributors appear to strive for a high level of "objectivity". Closer readings of their remarks, however, suggest that their "objectivity" is somewhat filtered through the fashionable ways academics had come to understand East Asia history during Japan's imperial years.

Mayo's introduction, on "Japan's cultural imperialism in eastern Asia", is generally readable but there are some conspicuous errors. She speaks of "the fate of Japan's arts during the Allied Occupation (1945-1953)" -- which ended on 28 April 1952, never mind that, in some sense, Japan as still occupied by U.S. military bases (Mayo et al. 2001, page 2).

Mayo also writes about Korea "In the confusion of liberation, division, and war (1945-1953)" -- as though to date the Korean war from 1945 rather than 1950 (et al. 10).

Mayo characterizes Taiwan as having been "a prefecture of China when it was annexed in 1895" -- though Taiwan was not annexed by Japan, but was ceded to Japan as part of the settlement to the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, which did not involve iwan. She says "Korea . . . was made into a protectorate in 1905, then appropriated in 1910" -- although Korea "joined" Japan in a "union" what amounted to Korea being annexed as Chōsen -- a word Mayo and other contributors avoid in favor of "Korea" (Ibid. 2).

Articles touching on "Korea" and "Koreans" speak of "Korea" as though it was not part of Japan, and "Koreans" as though they were not Japanese", during the annexation years (1910-1945/1952). In fact, "Korea" ceased to exist in 1910 -- since which there has never been a "Korea" or "Koreans" in any objective political or demographic sense. What used to be "Korea" for the brief period of 13 years between 1897 and 1910, became "Chōsen" as part of Japan from 1910-1945/1952.

Chōsen, provisionally separated from Japan in 1945, was divided into USSR and US military occupation zones, which materialized as two states -- the Republic of Korea in the southern US zone, and the Democratic Republic of Korea (actually Chōsŏn) in the northern USSR zone. DPRK invaded ROK in 1950, and the "Korean" or "Chōsen" War was still raging in 1952 when "Chōsen" was separated from Japan under the assumption that it would become a latter-day version of the "Korea" that joined Japan in 1910. But that was not the case. "Chōsen" was never "liberated" as "Korea". Chōsen became two postwar states created in 1948.

Moreover, concomitant with Korea becoming the Japanese territory of Chōsen, Koreans became Chosenese. And because Chōsen (like Taiwan from 1895) was part of Japan's sovereign dominion, Chosenese were Japanese -- hence their continued treatment as Japanese for nationality purposes in Occupied Japan by both the Allied Powers and the government of Japan, until the San Francisco Peace Treaty came into effect on 28 April 1928. The territorial terms in the treaty finalized the provisional separation of Chōsen and Taiwan from Japan in 1945. And because Japan's nationality is territorial, Japan's formal loss of Chōsen and Taiwan had the effect of separating Chosenese and Taiwanese from Japan's nationality. Those who thus lost Japan's nationality, and wanted to be Japanese, had to naturalize, and many did.

Chosenese in Japan after 28 April 1952 remained Chosenese. From 1966, it became possible for Chosenese in Japan to migrate to ROK nationality. Over the decades, most Chosenese migrated to ROK nationality, and not a few became nationals of other countries while maintaining their permanent residence status as aliens in Japan. As of this writing, several thousand people in Japan continue to be legally classified as aliens in "Chōsen" family registers (whether north or south of the border between DPRK and ROK) -- a legacy population of Chosenese who lost Japan's nationality in 1952.

Mayo's introduction does not get better. Every page has problems that could have been avoided by nuancing and fact checking.

Mayo writes that Ri Kaisei, a "postwar Korean Japanese writer", was "born in Sakhalin in 1935 and relocated with his family permanently to Japan in 1947" (Ibid. 9). And a few pages later, she writes, "In addition to restoring Sakhalin, the Soviet Union descended upon the Kuriles as a prize of war for its belated entry" (Ibid. 20).

Ri, however, was born in Karafuto, which was part of Japan, and a prefecture of Japan from 1943. His parents were Chosenese, hence Japanese, and so Ri himself was born Japanese. He was still technically of Japanese nationality when his family left Soviet occupied Karafuto for Occupied Japan in 1947, and he lost Japanese nationality with other Chosense in Japan in 1952.

In 1875, Japan agreed with Russia that the southern part of Sakhalin, which Japan called Karafuto, would be Russian, in return for Russia's claim to the northern Kuriles, which Japan called the Chishima Islands. The southern Kuriles (southern Chishima) was already recognized as part of Japan. As part of the settlement in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, Russia ceded Japan the southern half of Sakhalin, which again became Karafuto, and also the northern Kuriles, which joined the southern Chishima islands as part of Hokkaidō prefecture.

In August 1945, the Soviet Union invaded Karafuto and administratively restored to Sakhalin, the northern part of which had remained part of Russia when Russia ceded Karafuto to Japan in 1905. Soviet troops also invaded the Kuriles, which were part of Hokkaido prefecture.

The Yalta Agreement of February 1945 provided that, on condition that the Soviet Union entered the war against Japan a few months after Germany's surrender, "the southern part of Sakhalin as well as all the islands adjacent to it shall be returned to the Soviet Union", and "The Kuril islands shall be handed over to the Soviet Union."

The "southern part of Sakhalin" was the Japanese prefecture of Karafuto. The meaning of "Kurile islands" is disputed because the Soviet Union invaded, captured, and Sovietized even the southern Chishima islands Russia had previsiously recognized as part of Japan. The southern Chishimas are the "Northern Territories" that Japan contends should not have been part of "the Kuriles" in the wording of the San Francisco Peace Treaty -- which, in any event, the USSR did not sign.

See Declarations and treaties: From Washington to San Francisco via the USS Missouri under "The Sovereign Empire" in "The Empires of Japan" section of this website.

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"Pleading for the Body"

Mayo describes Kerkman's contribution to War, Occupation, and Creativity like this (Mayo et al. 2001, page 23).

Eleanor Kerkham's essay on Tamura Taijirō is an exposé of wartime atrocities on two levels of denial, Americans and Japanese. as well as an exploration of constraints upon postwar Japanese literary creativity. Within the context of a rapidly excalating human rights issue long delayed in global consciousness until the early 1990's, she shows how a romanticized and yet, for its time, shocking literary indictment in 1947 of Japan's wartime exploitation of a Korean military comfort woman fell victim to American censors and to the author's own theories on sexuality in the new "literature of the body." [Note 59]

Note 59 lists the "large and growing historical and journalistic work by Japanese, Koreans, Americans, and Australians on comfort women, with a special tribute tothe research talents of Japanese historian Yoshimi Yoshiaki, one of the first (1992) to discover official documentation of military sexual slavery" (Ibid. 41).

Mayo's appraisal of Kerhkam's contribution as an "exposō" is accurate, in that it captures the tone of the pages that Kerkham devotes to contempoary (1990s) "comfort women = sex slaves" polemics. The tribute to Yoshimi Yoshiaki's 1992 book is telling, in that his book -- more than any other among the most cited Japanese-langauge reports -- presents documents which dramatize the diverse workings of what can be called the "comfort women system" -- so long as the "system" is recognized as having been subject to local conditions and local practices, and consequently was very complex. Yoshimi did not reduce "comfort women" to "sex slaves" -- although Suzanne O'Brien subtitled her 2015 English translation of his book "Sexual Slavery in the Japanese Military During World War II" and otherwise misrepresented or mistranslated some important parts of the book.

Kerkham is fairly good -- sometimes very good -- at her overall assessment of how GHQ/SCAP (and others) ran interference in Tamura Taijirō's effort to publish "Shunpuden". She's done her homework on primary documents in the Prange Collection, and she's illuminated these documents rather well. She deserves a lot credit for that.

What Kerkham does not do well is translate what Tamura writes, the way he writes it. It's Tamura's story, his voice, his phrasing, his metaphors. He had reasons, as a writer and novelist, for telling his story the way he wrote it.

Kerkham in effect kicks Tamura out of the driver's seat and changes his words to those that were fashionable in 1990's American-style academic "critiques" of how Japan's postwar governments have responded to charges of "denialism" regarding Imperial Japan's involvement in "atrocities", such as its alleged complicity in orchestrating abductions of "Korean women" (i.e., Chosenese women) into "sexual slavery" at "comfort stations" deployed with Japanese military units in war zones and occupied countries.

In short, while Kirkham is generally reliable when talking about GHQ/SCAP documents, which she has seen and effectively cites, her commentary on prewar, wartime, and postwar Japan suggests that is not very familiar with the conditions of Chosenese during the annexation years, or in Occupied Japan. And she seems to have swallowed the "comfort women = sex slaves" bait on the hooks of highly polemic publications in English, without herself having done the sort of homework she did to introduce Tamura's Shunpuden in the light of how it was viewed and treated by Allied Occupation censors, publishers, and the literary world.

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GHQ/SCAP censorhip of Shunpuden

Kerkham reconstructs the series of actions taken by GHQ/SCAP regarding the original galleys of Shunpuden. She reports that the "data sheet" attached to the galleys briefly described Shunpuden as follows (Kerkham 2001: 335).

. . . depicts the tragic story of a Korean Prostitute who committed suicide with a Japanese soldier at the China front. At the same time, it emphatically illustrates the corruption of the former Japanese army.

A two-page summary of the story attracted the attention of an officer who wrote -- "Leave this thing out! The mention of a Korean prostitute is dangerous, let alone the whole article." Kerkham points out his incorrect characterization of the "short novel" as an "article" -- suggesting that perhaps he misunderstood the intent of what he was reading.

The officer -- according to Kerkham -- struck out "hold" and wrote "SUPRESS" on the 1st page, then stamped "SUPRESS" on the 1st page and on each of the other pages. However, the image of the 1st page, which she includes in her article, shows "HOLD" block-printed in upper case, crossed out with "Sup" written in cursive lower case above it -- and, immediately above this, in the margin at the top of the page, a "SUPRESS" stamp.

The initial reason for the novella's suppression -- "incitement to violence and unrest". A later reason -- "criticism of Koreans". (Kirkman 2001: 335-336)

Kerkham expands on this reasoning as follows (Kerkham 2001: 340-341). Highlighting and boxed comments mine.

It happens that in 1947 occupied Japan, SCAP officials were indeed troubled by the brewing "Korean problem." Korean nationals, many of whom were forcibly brought to Japan as contract laborers during the 1930s and 40s, were demonstrating for their civil rights, seeking repatriation to Korea, or were at odds among themselves along Communist / non-Communist, South / North Korean lines. [Note 95] Although there is no indication that the problem of Korean "comfort women" was then an issue of concern to any of the parties involved -- Japanese, Korean, or American -- SCAP anxiety about "incitement to unrest" was undoubtedly real. [Note 96]. . . .

Korean nationals   Kerkham's "Koreans" in Japan were not "Korean nationals" but nationals of Japan. Under a dual status system of international and Japanese law, and SCAP's legal authority representing the Allied Powers as a multinational and transnational entity, Chosenese in Occupied Japan were "non-Japanese" only for purposes of repatriation, border control, and registration as aliens under the Alien Registration Order effective from 3 Mar 1947 -- shortly after Shunpuden was suppressed. SCAP, and the Japanese government under its own laws and SCAP's directives, regarded Koreans in Occupied Japan -- and otherwise treated them -- as possessing Japanese nationality. There was as yet no Korean state. Even after ROK and DRPK were founded in 1948, Chosenese in Japan formally remained Japanese nationals until losing Japan's nationality in 1952 when the terms of the San Francisco Peace Treaty came into effect.

Practically all of the roughly 600,000 Chosenese in Japan in 1952 had been residing in the prefectural Interior when the Pacific War end. And these Chosenese were permitted to remain in Japan under Postdam Law 126, Article 2, Paragraph 6, which provided they could continue to reside in Japan without a status of residence like other aliens, including Chosenese who had not been residing in the prefectures at the end of the war, or repatriated to the peninsula and then returned to Occupied Japan. Chosenese who qualified for 126-2-6 treatment would continue to have a virtual right of abode in Japan until their status of residence could be determined by some sort of agreement with ROK and/or DPRK.

The 126-2-6 provision, as it applied to Chosenese in Japan, recognized the fact that Japan and ROK were ready to sign a status agreement when ROK-Japan talks, which had begun in the fall of 1951, were aborted shortly before the San Francisco Treaty came into effect. The ready-to-sign status agreement provided permanent residence for all Chosenese in Japan who became ROK nationals through established procedures. Such a status agreement would not be signed until 1965. It came into effect in 1966, for Chosenese who registered as ROK nationals. In the ensuring decades, practically all Chosenese have become Koreans -- i.e., ROK nationals. As of this writing in 2023, several thousand aliens in Japan continue to be formally classified as aliens of legacy Chōsen status. See the following articles, among others, under "The Sovereign Empire" in "The Empires of Japan" section of this website for details.

Nationality after World War II:
Japan's bilateral talks with ROC and ROK


Separation and choice:
Between a legal rock and a political hard place

forcibly brought to Japan as contract laborers   Practically all Chosenese who had come to the Interior as conscript laborers -- including a few who appear to have been abducted (forced) rather than conscripted (mandatory) -- returned to the peninsula during the final months of the war and the early months of the Occupation. Practically all Chosenese who remained had migrated to the Interior on their own volition, and most had settled in the prefectures with families brought from the peninsula or begun after arriving in the prefectural Interior. Thousands had married Interior subjects, and roughly 25 percent of the 600,000 or so Chosenese who remained in Occupied Japan had been born in the prefectures.

demonstrating for their civil rights   There were no "civil rights" other than rights under Japanese laws and GHQ/SCAP directives that defined nationality and other statuses. Chosenese were Japanese by nationality, provisionally treated as "non-Japanese" for repatriation and border-contol purposes, but as Japanese for all other purposes. Some Chosenese objected to their continuing status as Japanese. They wanted "liberation" from the status of Japanese. Those who felt politically aligned with movements on the Chōsen peninsula to establish new governments, wanted recognition as affiliates of those governments. When formed in 1948, GHQ/SCAP -- dominated by American views of governmental legitimacy, which followed the view of the United Nations (not the Allied Powers but the supranational organization that succeeded the League of Nations) -- did not recognize DPRK. And GHQ/SCAP recognized ROK only to the extent of regarding it as the state with which Japan would have to negotiate some sort of basic treaty and other agreements to establish formal diplomatic ties -- when that time came. In the meantime, GHQ/SCAP did not allow ROK to set up a mission in Occupied Japan for the purpose of enrolling Chosenese into its "Korean" nationality -- unlike ROC, which as an Allied Power was allowed to enroll Taiwanese into its "Chinese" nationality, which qualified them for treatment as United Nations (Allied) nationals. This, though, was not a matter of "civil rights" but a matter of whether ROK or DPRK -- neither of which had existed during the Pacific War -- qualified as "allies"-- and, clearly, they didn't. Chosenese in Japan were simply caught in the legal limbo of continuing to be Japanese until postwar treaties determined otherwise.

seeking repatriation to Korea   Practically all Chosenese in Japan at the time had waived opportunities to "return" to the peninsula, either because they found life in the prefectures more to their liking, or because they thought economic, social, and political conditions in Occupied Japan were better than they were in the divided occupation zones on the peninsula -- or simply felt at home in the prefectures. The repatriation program had ended in late 1946 and early 1947. The main "Korean problem" for SCAP authorities at the time Shunpuden was published was the political divisiveness of Chosenese in Japan, and the desire of many to be treated as "United Nations (Allied) nationals" rather than as Japanese. SCAP refused to exempt Chosenese in Japan from subjectivity to Japanese laws, as there were no legal grounds for treating them other than as Japanese pending treaty settlements.

Kerham goes not speculate about whether Tamura himself intended his story as a comment about the "military role" in the plight of the women he depicts in his story. She suggests that SCAP -- because of the use of Japanese women for the "'comfort' and recreation of American [sic = Allied] forces in Japan" [Note 97] -- was perhaps "not at all eager to have the topic of militarized prostitution become a 'public issue'" and hence resorted to the censorship category of "criticism of an ally" as a "more legitimate sounding" reason to suppress the work.

Both reasons -- "incitement to violence and unrest" (bōryoku to fuon no kōdō no sendō 暴力と不穏の行動の煽動) and "criticism of Koreans [sic = Chosenese]" (Chōsenjin e no hihan 朝鮮人への批判) -- were listed on various "Key Logs" which had been issued by the end of 1946 to supplement the Code For Japanese Press issued on 21 September 1945 by the Civil Censorship Detachment of GHQ/SCAP's G-2 section.

Kerkham on publication of May 1947 Ginza Shuppansha collection

Kerkham makes the following observation, which suggests the extent to which opinion within GHQ/SCAP could vary -- as it did on other issues as well (Kerkham 2001: page 345, note 9).

9. Tamura Tajirō, Shunpuden (Tokyo: Ginza Shuppansha, May 1947), 1. The quote ["openly describing things which stagnated in my breast during the long war years"] is taken from the preface to a collection of stories featuring what appears to be a self-censored, "de-Koreanized" version of the short novel Shunpuden. This version did, to the later surprise of the magazine section, get past the Book Unit of the Press, Publications, and Broadcasting Division (PPB) of the Civil Censorship Detachment (CCD) and was published in May.

The book published in May 1947 is the 1947 Ginza Shuppansha edition shown above and cited elsewhere in this article.

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Hiroaki Sato on censorship of "Shunpuden"

"Why did they bother?

A more recent look at Shunpuden in English, by the New York based writer, translator, and critic Hiroaki Sato, was published in The Japan Times, to which he often contributes his takes on contempory and historical issues.

Hiroaki Sato
Redaction of a 'comfort woman' story The Japan Times
The View From New York
3 November 2014

Sato made the following remark about the title assigned Shunpuden by GHQ/SCAP censors.

First, the title: It was translated "The Story of a Prostitute" for the Civil Censorship Detachment of the Civil Information and Education (CIE) Section of Gen. Douglas MacArthur's GHQ. A more faithful translation may be "The Life of an Alluring Woman," with the understanding that shunpu, "alluring woman," is one of the many words for prostitute.

The distinction is important for the story. The heroine is an attractive, strong-willed woman known by her Japanese name, Harumi. In her sexual dealings with a dozen men a day, she still can develop a passion for someone she likes. So, she falls in love with a low-ranking soldier named Mikami, who is naive and timid.

"Alluring" is Sato's way of representing the erotic and carnal nuances of "spring" (shun 春) -- as used in expressions like "selling spring" (baishun 売春) and "spring picture" (shunga (春画), respectively the selling of one's body for sexual pleasure, and woodblock prints depicting sexual intercourse. Like many translators, Sato prefers to replace the perfectly good Japanese metaphor "spring" used in a romantic carnal context -- with "alluring" -- which replaces the metaphor with an interpretation or explanation.

"shun"

"Shun" is here best translated "spring" -- in view of the fact that the protagonist's name is "Harumi" (春美), meaning "spring beauty". The erotic associations of "spring" are clear enough in context.

"fu/pu"

Whether "fu" (婦) as "pu" should be translated "woman" or "women" is a toss. I am inclined to prefer "women" because the story -- while concerned mainly with one "shunpu" -- is about several if not all such women. Having said this, singular "woman" does underscore Harumi as the heroine.

"shunpu"

Kerkahm glosses "shunpu" as follows (Kerkham 2001: 335).

Tamura's fictional vision is colored not only by his nikutai theory but also by a fantasy that he and other contemporary Japanese government officials and former military men have used to justify their own actions and attitudes -- that these women were "prostitutes" (the term "shunpu" in Tamura's title is literally "woman of spring" or "sex woman").

The characterizations of the "spring woman" in Tamura's story as a "sex woman" and "prostitute" are Kerkham's, not Tamura's. In his longer dedication to Shunpuden in the May 1947 Ginza Shuppansha edition (see below), as well as in the narrative of his story, Tamura puts the girls who served in the "women's army" above the "prostitutes of Japan" who stayed in the rear to cavort with the officers and disparage the rank-and-file soldiers and the women who lived and died in the fighting.

Why all the fuss?

As Kerkham describes the revisions to the original story, both those that appear to be have been inspired by GHQ/SCAP's suppression, and those that seem to have been motived by self-censorship, the modifications involve mostly the elimination of direct references such as "Korea" and "Korean" -- by which she has to mean "Chōsen" and "Chosenese", since "Kankoku" and "Kankokujin" did not exist and Tamura wrote only of "Chōsen" and "Chōsenjin". Kerkham also cites expressions like "women who loved garlic and hot red peppers" -- and adds, "key terms such as race, personal names, or foods" among other things that might suggest Chōsen or Chosenese.

Sato, though, raises a question that Kerkham didn't ask (Sato 2014).

Among the altered words or expressions was "Korea" or "the Korean Peninsula," which was changed to "the land that is a corner contiguous to this Continent." But such deletions and alterations would not have duped any of the readers of the day.

Then why did they bother?

As I pointed out at the outset of this article, the title Shunpuden would probably have congered of recollections Shunkōden" to all 1947 readers familiar with Chosenese literature -- and that would have included quite a few Japanese in the prefectural Interior who were savvy about Chōsen and familiar with Chunkōden as a classical Chosenese romance. In fact, the story of Shunkōden was favorably dramatized in the Interior in 1938, and continued to be publicized by reprintings and even a bunko edition of Chō Kakuchū's play into the early 1940s. See Cho Kakuchu, Shunkoden, 1938, also in this Literature section, for details.

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Kawasaki Kenko's 2006 article onAkatsuki no dassō < Escape at Dawn >
1950 adapation of Shunpuden by Taniguchi Senkichi
Yosha Bunko scan of Taiwan DVD edition

Akatsuki no dasso 1950
Akatsuki no dasso 1950 Akatsuki no dasso 1950

Kawasaki on Shunpuden

"Chosen" versus "Korea"

川崎賢子
GHQ占領期の出版と文学
昭和文学研究 (昭和文学会編集委員会)
東京:昭和文学会
第52号、2006年3月 (1979年から年2回刊)
ページ38-48

Kawasaki Kenko
GHQ senryōki no shuppan to bungaku
[ Publishing and literature in GHQ occupation period ]
Shōwa bungaku kenkyū (Shōwa Bungaku Kai henshū iinkai)
< Showa literature studies > (Shōwa Literature Association editorial committee)
Tokyo; Shōwa Bungaku Kai
No. 52, March 2006 (published twice a year from 1979)
Pages 38-48

Kawaski Kenko (b1956), a product of Tokyo Women's University, specializes in Japanese literary arts, including fiction, drama, and film in prewar, wartime, and postwar Japan. She has written extensively on female novelists like Osaki Midori (尾崎翠 1896-1971) and on Takarazuka, but also on literature published under the watchful eye of the GHQ/SCAP during the Allied Occupation of Japan. The article shown here focuses on Tamura Taijiro's Shunpuden, among other Tamura novels that drew fire from GHQ/SCAP censors.

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Carnality in action

Although Shunpuden does not use the word "nikutai" (肉体) -- "body" or "flesh" -- in its title, it counts as the 3rd work of Tamura's "nikutai triology" on the grounds that he clearly articulates his "nikutai doctrine" at the start of the story, as well as in the forward he wrote for the version first published in May 1947 by Ginza Shuppansha.

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Tamura's praise of Chosenese women

Tamara praised Chosenese women like those he portrayed in Shunpuden in at least two introductions he wrote for the story. I have translated the entirety of the shorter dedication he made in the original version of the story, which survives only in a copy of the galleys, and the first and most relevant part of his preface to the May 1947 Ginza Shuppansha edition. The 1949 and 1962 editions have no introductions, and the foreward to the 1965 edition -- a movie tie-in anthology -- does not especially concern the women in Shunpuden.

Tamura's dedication of Shunpuden in suppressed galleys version

Tamura's dedication in supressed galleys version of Shunpuden

The Japanese text is my transcription of the dedication shown at the top of the 1st page of Tamura's Shunpuden as shown in an image of page 24 of the galleys in Kerkham 2001 (page 337, Figure 29). The raw and polished structural translations are mine. Note that the parenthetic (作者) (Author) at the end has been struck out on the galleys, presumably by the editors of the magazine that had positioned Tamura's story first among several short stories in magazine. The sources of Kerkham's and Sato's versions are shown below (see source details above). All [bracketed remarks] are mine, except in Kerkham's translations, where they are hers. All highlighting and related comments are mine.

Original text (Tamura Taijirō)

この一篇を、戦争間大陸奥地に配置せられた日本軍下級兵士たち慰安のため、日本女性が恐怖と輕侮とで近づかうとしなかつたあらゆる最前線に挺身し、その春と肉體とを亡ぼし去つた數萬朝鮮娘子軍にささぐ。(作者)

Raw structural translation (William Wetherall)

I dedicate this piece (work, story) to the Chōsen girls' (women's) army of tens of thousands, [who] for the comfort [of] the Japan Army lower-ranking soldiers [who] during the war had been deployed in the hinterlands of the continent, offered [volunteered] themselves, and ruined [and] left (wasted away) their youth and flesh, at all most (utmost, very) front lines that the women of Japan out of fear and contempt did not try to to approach. (Author)

Polished structural translation (William Wetherall)

I dedicate this story to the Chōsen women's army of tens of thousands, who for the comfort of the lower-ranking soldiers of Japan's army deployed in the hinterlands of the continent during the war, offered themselves, and wasted away their youth and flesh, at all the utmost front lines, which the women of Japan, out of fear and contempt, didn't try to approach. (Author)

Eleanor Kerkham (2001: 311)

I dedicate this story to the tens of thousands of Korean women warriors [Chōsen joshigun] who, to comfort ordinary Japanese soldiers deployed to the Asian mainland during the war, risked their lives on remote battlefields where Japanese women feared and disdained to go, thereby losing their youths and their bodies [nikutai].

Hiroaki Sato (2014)

This piece is dedicated to the tens of thousands of Korean Daughters who volunteered to every battlefront, which Japanese women would not approach with fear and contempt, in order to comfort the lowest-ranking soldiers of the Japanese Army deployed to the interiors of the Continent during the war, and who thereby destroyed their youth and bodies.

Mayo Mayo

Click on pages to enlarge
LeftTamura's dedication on 1st page of suppressed Shunpuden
Dedication on band above opening of story (see transcription above)
RightKerkham's translation of Tamura's dedication
Yosha Bunko scans from Kerkham 2001 in Mayo et al 2001

"tens of thousands"

Of interest here is Tamura's "tens of thousands" as a description of the size of the "Chōsen women's troop". What was his basis for this estimate? Having directly observed conditions in parts of China where he was deployed, and with some idea of the total deployment of Imperial Japanese military units in China, he seems to have thought that "tens of thousands" was a reasonable number.

Given Tamura's feelings about the war and the conditions he experienced in China, my guess is that he would be inclined to exaggerate more than underestimate. This is certainly the tendency among "sex slave" publicists today, who cite hundreds of thousands of abducted "Korean" victims alone -- beginning at 200,000 on up.

Tamura's figure favorably compares with the best objective estimates of the number of comfort women of all nationalities and subnationalities -- mainly in China, but also in Southeast Asia and Manchoukuo -- as around 20,000, maybe 30,000, possibly but probably not 50,000. See "Comfort women" or "sex slaves"? on this website for details. Similar "hitoketa" (multiple-of-ten) discrepancies are seen in claims about "Nanking massacre" victims (30,000-50,000 against 300,000) -- and, say, the numbers of "GI babies" born in Occupied Japan (10,000-20,000 against 200,000).

Comments on my translation

hinterland is my preference for "okuchi" (奥地), which is metaphorically a "back land" in the sense of a place that is deeper in the more remote bowels of country as seen from its capital, larger cities, or coastal ports. The term "naichi" (内地) is metaphorically an "interior land" of a country viewed from its coasts, ports, or peripheral territories, or outlying islands. In Imperial Japan, however, "Naichi" (内地) was also the formal name for the prefectural "Interior" jurisdiction of Japan, as distinct from (1) extraterritorial foreign settlements in Japan, and (Chōsen, Taiwan, and Karafuto (which joined the Interior as a prefecture in 1943). Furthermore, Chōsen, Taiwan, and Karafuto (before it joined the Interior) were informally regarded as "gaichi" or "exterior lands" relative to the Interior, although they were included with the Interior within "Japan" as a sovereign dominion, as distinct from territories that were legally under Japan's control and jurisdiction hence part of Japan's legal empire but not part of its sovereign empire.

Tamura associates the soldiers (heitai 兵隊), the women (josei 女性), and the "girls' (women's) army (troop) (joshi gun 娘子軍) with "Japan" (日本) and "Chōsen" (朝鮮). If pressed to clarify himself, he might say that he meant they were "Japanese" (Nihonjin 日本人) and "Chosenese" (Chōsenjin 朝鮮人) as "people" (jin 人), which the English "-ese" suffix implies when talking of people. If further pressed, he might say that he meant "people" in a racial rather than civil sense, though at the time Chōsen was an integral part of Japan and Chosenese were Japanese by civil nationality. Japanese law has never coded "race" or "ethnicity" and hence "-jin" (-人 "-person, -ese") suffixes in Japanese legal parlance denote only a civil status based on the territorial affifiliation of a person's domicile or household (family) register. In English-speaking circles, including those in which Kerkham and Sato were writing, people habitually use "Korea" as a generic term for the peninsula and/or a government on the peninsula, and "Korean" as the attributive form of "Korea" or noun meaning the people of Korea -- even during periods when "Korea" and "Koreans" did not exist. The Allied Powers also did this, though occassionally Allied documents stated "Korea (Chosen)" as though to remind people what "Korea" actually meant in the legal world. Today these distinctions are blurred or entirely lost, which makes it difficult to civil status issues then and even now -- and difficuult to talk about people who consider themselves "Kankokujin" (Korean) or (not and) "Chōsenjin" (Chosenese) or (not and) "Korian" (Chorean).

offer oneself (teishin suru 挺身する) means simply to contribute one's body (and soul) to a cause, to step forward on one's own volition and throw oneself into doing something -- i.e., to volunteer one's labor. Whether one volunteered out of a genuine desire to contribute to the cause is another matter. As in any human population, there was pressure to volunteer -- or one was volunteered by someone else. In time of war in particular, not to cooperate had consequences, from criticism, bullying, ostracization, to detention or even execution -- speaking not just about Japan but generally. Kerkham's "risk one's life" (see below) puts an interpretive spin on Tamura's expression rather than leave its meaning to the reader to consider in the larger context of the statement -- volunteering for work in a battle zone. Elsewhere, too, she at times "over translates" (and sometimes "under translates") Tamura's phrases.

Comments on Kerkham's translation

Kerkham renders "Chōsen jōshigun" in the deleted introduction as "Korean women warriors" -- which technically mistranslates "Chōsen" as "Korean" and overtranslates "jōshigun" as "Korean women warriors" -- where as "Chōsen women's army" would be closer to Tamura's metaphors.

Later, Kerkham morphs "women warriors" into "Amazon soldiers" in this comment (Kerkham 2001: 315).

In the novel Shunpuden, Tamura depicts his three Korean "Amazon soldiers" as having been sold by their parents to what seems to be a privately owned brothel for Japanese army officers and civilians in the city of Tianjin, Hebei Province. [Note 31]

Comments on Sato's translation

Sato makes a case for "daughters" as a translation of "jōshigun" (娘子軍), which he points out is "niangzijun" in Chinese and originally "referred to the army of women that Tang Emperor Liyuan's daughter Gongzhu is reputed to have raised to help her father." The term "jōshi" (娘子) is an older term for what today would generally by "joshi" (女子), as in "women's college" (joshi daigaku 女子大学).

Today "jōshigun" is a used as a slang term for a group or gang of women in the metaphorical sense of "Amazons" -- women warriors.

In the 19th century, however, "jōshigun" came to be used to refer to Japanese women who went to Southeast Asia and elsewhere in Asia to work as prostitutes -- otherwise called "karayuki-san" (唐行きさ) or "those (-san) going (yuki) to a foreign land (kara) to work as prostitutes. Women going to the United States to work in places of entertainment that typically involved opportunities to sexually fraternize with customers were called "ameyuki", and foreign women coming to Japan to work in cabarets and clubs were later called "japayuki". See Prostitute and feminist: The story of Yamada Waka under "Japanese abroad / North America" in the "Minorities" section of this website for details.

In other words, Tamura was probably familiar with "jōshigun" as a term referring to a group (troop, regiment) of woman from Japan working outside Japan as prostitutes.

In association with the term "ian" (慰安) or "comfort" -- and later in the novel "iansho" (慰安所) or "comfort station" -- "jōshigun" probably also implied that the women -- whether volunteers like Harumi, or indentured women bound by contracts to pay off a debt -- were more than just camp followers, but were somehow attached to military units, and at the mercy of the units for food, shelter, and transportation.

The entry for "ianfu" in the 1st (1955) edition of Kōjien defines the term as もと戦地の部隊に随行、将兵を慰安した女 meaning "Formerly a woman who followed [accompanied] a [military] unit in a battle area, and comforted officers and troops." The same edition defined 従軍 as 軍隊に従って戦地に赴くこと meaning "Proceeding to (omomuku 赴く) battle area following military unit" and gave examples like 従軍記者 meaning a "reporter following (attached to) the military" -- today's "embedded reporter".

A number of writers began combining the two terms as "jūgun ianfu" (従軍慰安婦) -- meaning "military-attached comfort women". This expression has been included in Kōjien since its 4th (1991) edition. And its definition has significantly changed in all subsequent editions -- 5th (1998), 6th (2008), and 7th (2018) -- as of this writing (2023).

See "Kōjien's definitions 1955-2018" in "Comfort women" and related terminology in the "Comfort women" section of this website for details.

Only Tamura would know whether he had in mind an allusion to the "jōshigun" of Tang dynasty fame, or was using "jōshigun" mindful of only its more recent vernacular usage in Japanese. Personally, I suspect the latter.

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Tamura's preface to May 1947 Ginza Shuppansha edition of Shunpuden

Tamura's preface to May 1947 Ginza Shuppansha edition of Shunpuden

The Japanese text is my transcription of the 1st paragraph of Tamura's 2-page foreword (jo 序) to the October 1947 Ginza Shuppansha edition of Shunpuden (Tamura 1947-05, Jo, page 1). The raw and polished structural translations are mine. The translation following these panels is Kerkham's (Kerkham 2001: 340). The [bracketed titles] in Kerkham's version are hers. All highlighting, other [bracketed remarks], underscoring, and comments are mine.

Original text (Tamura Taijirō)

「春婦傳」は原稿用紙百枚の書下し作品である。戰爭の間、大陸奥地に配置せられた私たち下級兵士たちと一緒に、日本軍の将校やその情婦たちである後方の日本の娼婦たちから輕蔑されながら、銃火のなかに生き、その春と肉體を亡ぼし去つた娘子軍どれたけ [sic = どれだけ] 多數にのぼるだらう。日本の女たちは前線にも出て來られないくせに、将校とぐるになつて、私たち下級兵士を輕蔑した。私は彼女たち娘子軍への泣きたいやうな慕情と、日本の女たちへの復讐的な氣持でこれを書いた。「肉體の悪魔」、「肉體の門」と同じく、長い戰場生活のあひだに、自分の胸のなかに欝積したものをぶちまけたものだ。この作品の出來榮えについては、正直なところまだ私自身よくわからない。ただ私は、自分の肉體のなかに、血と硝煙の匂ひで燻しかためられた。理屈を超えた悲痛のかたまりのやうなものがあるのを、はつきりと感じてゐる。私は夢中で、それを表現しようと試みたにすぎない。

Raw structural translation (William Wetherall)

Shunpuden is a directly written [i.e., not serialized] work of 100-pages of manuscript paper. As for the women's army -- which during the war, together with we lower-ranking soldiers [who] were posted in the hinterland of the continent, while being disparaged by the officers of the Japanese Army and the prostitutes of Japan in the rear [who] were their paramours, lived in the middle of gunfire, and destroyed their youths and bodies -- how large would [its] numbers climb to. As for the women of Japan, despite not coming to the front, having become cohorts with the officers, disparaged we lower-ranking soldiers. I wrote this [story] with affection toward the girls' army such that [I] want to weep, and revengeful feelings toward the women of Japan. Like Nikutai no akuma [Demons of flesh] and Nikutai no mon [Gate of flesh], [Shunpuden is something in which I vented things that had pented up in my chest during [my] long battlefield life. Regarding the execution of this work, frankly I myself do not yet well understand [it]. [It's] just [that] as for me (It's just that I), [I] clearly feel that, in my own flesh, there is something like a lump of grief [sorrow, pain] that transcends reason [logic], that was fumigated and hardened by the smell of blood and nitrate smoke. As for me, absorbed [as in a dream] (in a daze), [I] [have] merely tried to express that.

Polished structural translation (William Wetherall)

Shunpuden is a directly written work of 100-pages of manuscript. The women's army -- which during the war, together with we lower-ranking soldiers posted in the hinterland of the continent, while being disparaged by the officers of the Japanese Army and the prostitutes of Japan in the rear who were their paramours, lived in the middle of gunfire, and destroyed their youths and bodies -- how large would its numbers climb to. The women of Japan, despite not coming to the front, having become cohorts with the officers, disparaged we lower-ranking soldiers. I wrote this with an affection toward the girls' army such that I want to weep, and revengeful feelings toward the women of Japan. Shunpuden, like Nikutai no akuma [Demons of flesh] and Nikutai no mon [Gate of flesh], is something in which I vented things that had pented up in my chest during my long battlefield life. Regarding the execution of this work, frankly I myself do not yet well understand it. It's just that I clearly feel, in my own flesh, that there is something like a lump of sorrow that transcends reason, that was fumigated and hardened by the smell of blood and nitrate smoke. I, in a daze, have merely tried to express that.

Eleanor Kerkham's translation

During the war there were undoubtedly a great many women who sacrificed their youths and their bodies, while held in contempt by Japanese officers and the Japanese prostitutes serving as their war wives in the rear guard. They lived within the range of gunfire along with us lower-ranked soldiers stationed in the Asian Mainland. The Japanese women, assuming they must not go out to the battlefields, conspired with commissioned officers and despised ordinary, lower-ranked soldiers. I have written this story with a heart-wrenching longing toward those frontline women and with feelings of disdain toward the Japanese women. This is a work in which, just as in my Nikutai no akuma [Devil of the Flesh] and Nikutai no mon [Gateway to the Body], I have openly described things that stagnated in my breast during the long war years. To tell the truth, I cannot yet judge its literary quality. I have simply felt, with a clarity deep within my flesh and bones, that there was within me a dark, inchoate cloud of grief that smoldered unbearably with the scent of blood and gunpowder smoke. Dazed, like a man lost in a dream, I knew that I must try to put my feelings into words. [Note 94]

Note 94   Tamura Taijirō, Shunpuden (Ginza Shuppansha, May 1947), preface, 1.

Tamura Mayo

Click on pages to enlarge
LeftTamura's dedication on 1st page of suppressed Shunpuden
Dedication on band above opening of story (see transcription above)
RightKerkham's translation of Tamura's dedication
Yosha Bunko scans from Kerkham 2001 in Mayo et al 2001

Comments on Kerkham's translation

Kerkham's version is a very loose and embellished adaptation, not a translation. She seems to have no respect for Tamura's powerful phrasing and metaphors. Nothing he writes requires the paraphrasing, explanation, and commentary she swaps for his straight, simple, and perfectly pitched diction. Translation is not about language -- not about Japanese and English -- but about story and narrative. Translation requires accepting that the author is the story teller, and recognizing that the reader is smart enough to understand and appreciate the way the author tells the story.

Comments on my translation

women of Japan"   Tamura does not call the prostitues who cavorted with the officers "Japanese women" but "women of Japan" -- which are obviously the "prostitutes of Japan" who are "paramours of the officers". This implies that the girls in the "women's army" are not "of Japan". In the original verious of Shunpuden, they were "of Chōsen" (Chōsen no 朝鮮の).

guru   I have underscored guru (ぐる) because Tamura stressed this expression with dot marks (bōten 傍点) beside the hiragana.

Nikutai no akuma was first collected in an anthology of Tamura's stories published in April 1947. This was reprinted the following year when another published brought out another anthology that featured the novella as its cover story. I would guess that Tamura took the title of from the Japanese translation of Le Diable au corps (The Devil in the Flesh), the 1923 novel by Raymond Radiguet that set in the Great War. The first of several Japanese translations of Radiguet's novel was published as Nikutai no akuma (肉体の悪魔) in 1930. A second translation as Oni ni tsukarete (魔に憑かれて) [Possessed by the devil] came out in 1946, the year Tamura wrote his novella. A third translation bearing the compound title Nikutai no akuma: Oni in tsukarete (肉体の悪魔:魔に憑かれて) [The devil of flesh: Possessed by a demon] came out in 1952, when the first of several movie versions of the novel, a 1947 French production, was released in Japan. At least two other translations have since been published, both as Nikutai no akuma.

nikutai   Metaphorically, all appearances of "nikutai" (肉体) in Tamura's stories should probably be consistently translated "flesh". He uses other words, such as "shintai" (身体), for body. The "body" is a corporal object, a vessel for the "flesh" that incarnates the body's carnal spirit as it were. Note that everything Tamura says about his own state of mind reflects his characterization of the "carnal" condition of the women's lives. His body, too, is driven by the emotions that originate and fester in his very flesh.

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Flesh trumps race (and love conquers all)

If likeable like, if hateful hate, and no regrets

The human condition of the women in "Shunpuden" is essentially one of "carnality" -- meaning that every thing they do is determined by the "will" of their "bodies" or "flesh" -- depending on how one wishes to translate "nikutai" (肉体). As I stated above, I characterize Tamura's "nikutai-ron" (肉体論) as "nikutai doctrine". If pressed to fully anglicize the expression, I would render it "doctine of carnality". If pushed for an explanatory translation, I would go with "carnal determinism".

Three pages into Shunpuden, following fast and dramatic establishing scenes, comes a long paragraph that essentially defines the geographical and socio-economic origins of the three women featured in the story. The paragraph also articulates Tamura's doctrine of carnality, according to which his characters live through the wills of their bodies or flesh.

In her 2001 article on Shunpuden, Eleanor Kerkham translates the entire paragraph as it appeared in the galleys submitted to GHQ/SCAP for its approval in early 1947, with her notes and commentary. However, she divides her translation into two parts, one earlier and the other later in her article. And elsewhere in her article she comments on matters related to the original and revised versions of this paragraph.

In the following table, I have first shown Kirkham's translation of the original version (left), followed by my transcription (center) and my structural translation (right) of the revised version of the paragraph.

The human condition and carnality of the women in "Shunpuden"
The galleys version and the revised published versions

Kerkham's translation

The following text my splicing together what I am calling Part 1 and Part 2 of Eleanor Kerkham's translation of the original of the above paragraph, which she read on a copy of the galleys submitted to SCAP, as preserved in the Prange Collection (Kerkham 2001, Part 1 page 316 with note 32 on page 350, and Part 2 page 333 with note 82 on page 356). All highlighting is mine. All remarks in [square brackets] and italics are Kerkham's, and all remarks in <angle brackets> are mine.

Transcription

I have transcribed the versions as published in the May 1947 Ginza Shuppansha edition (pages 5-6) and the October 1949 Yakumo Shoten edition (pages 8-9), with reference to the 1962 Shun'yōdō Shoten edition (pages 3-4) and the 1965 Tōhōsha edition (pages 8-9). The paragraph is essentially the same in all these editions, copies of which I have in Yosha Bunko.

Structural translation

The purpose of a structural translation is to preserve the phrasing and metaphors of the original as closely as possible. The "construction lines" that result from this approach to representing Japanese texts in English could easily be erased by polishing. I have chosen to leave them here for the purpose of reflecting in English as much as possible of the cadance, flow, and texture of the Japanese narrative, which unfolds very dramatically and at times is even lyrical.

Commentary

I have grouped Kerkham's notes and comments, and my own notes and comments, at the end. All highlighting in the transcription and translations is mine.

Original text (Tamura Taijirō

  彼女たちはいづれも、この大陸と地つづきの一角の土地生れだつた。みんな本當の名前があるのだつたが、いづれも故郷の家の生活の苦しさのために、天津の曙町へ前借で買はれてきてから、源氏名をつけてゐた。いまでは客からは源氏名以外に呼ばれたことがないので、その方が彼女だちのあひだでも通りがよくなつてゐて、本名は彼女たちの心のなかでだけしか知られてゐない。その自分の本名>さへ、どうかすると忘れ果ててゐるやうなときがあつた。少女のとき、故郷を出て、日本人の客だけを相手にしてきた彼女たちの氣持や考え方には、多分に日本人的なところがあつた。自分が日本人的であることになんの不自然さも自覚しなかつた。ときに、酔つて悔蔑的な言葉を投げつける客からは、相手とはちがふ人間の一人であることを覚えさせられて怒りと、なんともいへない絶望に身を打ち碎かれる思ひをするのだつたが、氣分のあつた客は民族を超えて素直に愛することが出來た。いやな客は口ぎたなく罵つてはねつけ、好きな客には借金をしてまでご馳走し、うれしいときは歌をうたひ、悲しいときは、大聲をあげて泣きわめき、彼女たちは天眞爛漫に生きた。彼女たちには一種のそんな度はずれな情熱のやうなものがある。それは頭で考へた理屈や、本で読んだ知識から出てくるものではない。彼女たちの肉體そのものが編みだした烈しい生活理論である。自分の肉體が好むものは底抜けに好み、きらひなものは徹底的にきらふ。その表現の強烈さは、彼女たちの肉體のなかの生命の強烈さをあらはしてゐる。にんにくを嚙じり、唐辛子を食ふ彼女たちの肉體は、肉體そのものが一つの苛辣な意志なのである。そして、そんな意志のままに生きたどのやうな激情のあとにも、悔ひはなかつた。それは彼女たちの特質かも知れなかつた。

Raw structural translation (William Wetherall)

  As for the women, everyone was born on a corner of land adjoining this continent. All had actual names, but everyone, after coming to Akebono-chō in Tientsin (天津 Tianjin), having been sold for borrowings [wages] in advance, on account of the hardships of the lives of [their] families in [their] home villages, had been given professional names. As now they are not called by other than their professional names by customers, this has come to be the convention among even the women, and their real names are unknown but only in the women's hearts. There were times when it seemed as though they had entirely forgotten even their own real names. In the feelings and ways of thinking of the women, who [since] leaving their home villages, at the time they were girls, had come to make companions of only Japanese guests, there were likely Japanese-like aspects. They themselves were not aware of any unnaturalness in the matter of their being Japanese-like. At times, when made by a guest who was drunk and had hurled insulting words at them to feel that they were a different human being than their companion, they had feelings of having been struck and crushed by anger and an indescribable despair, but [with] guests who suited their feelings, they were able to transcend race and frankly love. Disgusting guests they reviled with dirty mouths and rebuffed, likeable guests they treated even as far as loaning money, when happy they sang songs, when sad they raised their voices and wailed -- the women had come to live true to nature in blooming profusion [simply and without care]. The women had something like a kind of excessive passion about them. It was not something that came from logic thought in the head, or from knowledge read in books. It was a fervent theory of life that the very bodies of the women had created. Things their own bodies liked they liked without limit, hateful things they thoroughly hated. The intensity of their expressions manifested the intensity of life inside the women's bodies. The bodies of the women, chewing of garlic, eating chili peppers, is a fierce will of their very bodies. And in the aftermaths of whatever passions lived in such wills as they were, there were no regrets. That might have been the women's special quality.

Polished structural translation (William Wetherall)

Eleanor Kerkham's translation

<Part 1> Harumi was born in a town from the area of P'yŏngyang <sic = Heijō 平壤> and Yuko and Sachiko were born in P'yŏngan Pukto <sic = Heian Kokudō 平安北道>. All had their own Korean <sic = Chōsen 朝鮮> names, but when sold to the Akebono-chō in Tianjin by poverty-stricken families, they were given professional Japanese <sic> names [Genjina]. Having been addressed by their customers only by these names -- which they used most often even among themselves -- their real names were known only to themselves. There were even time, indeed, when it seemed they had forgotten their own names. The feelings and way of thinking of these women who had left their homes when very young and had dealt only with Japanese customers, were very Japanese-like, and they were completely unaware of anything unnatural in this. When a drunken customer hurled words of abuse at them, however, they were forced to realize that they were as of a different race from their partners. At such times they became enraged and felt that they were being torn asunder by an unspeakable despair. The sensitive customer, however, moved beyond race and made love to them gently. <Note 32> <Part 2> With a customer they disliked, they were apt to curse foully and wave him out, but with guests they liked, they would entertain lavishly, even spending money of their own. These women lived in innocent naïveté; when happy, they would belt out a song, and when sad they would cry out loud. They possessed an extraordinary passion. It was not something that came from logical reasoning, or from knowledge found in books. It was an intense life ideology that they hammered out with their bodies [nikutai]. When their body liked something, they accepted it with complete abandon, and when it disliked something, they rejected it totally. The intensity of their expression revealed the intensity of this life force within their bodies. The bodies [nikutai] of these women who ate garlic and red hot peppers, their very flesh and bones, were sharp, containing a willful intelligence. And even after strong emotions that might flare up within that willfulness, they experienced no remorse. Perhaps this was a special ethnic <sic = racial, national> characteristic of these women. <Note 82>

Kerkham's notes with my comments

Note 32Shunpuden, 16 (Ginza Shuppansha edition, 3-6 and Kōdansha, 432). In all citations of the original, I list first the Nihon shōsetsu page numbers for the apparently self-censored Ginza Shuppansha May 1947 version published as the lead story in the collection of short stories entitled Shunpuden, and next I cite page numbers for the 1953 Kōdansha edition published in the Gendai chōhen meisaku zenshū (Collection of Modern Masterpieces of Fiction) Series, vol. 13, Tamura Taijirō, "Shunpuden," 431-466. I note differences in the censored and published versions when relevant. It should be noted that even in the 1953 Kōdansha edition, Tamura does not return to his original version. That is to say, he allowed the story to remain de Koreanized even after the Occupation -- and censorship, presumably -- had ended. Note, for instance, that in the suppressed Nihon shōsetsu version of the passage translated here, Tamura names the specific areas in Korea where the women were born, while in the 1947 and the later 948, 1949, and 1953 published versions, he states simply that "all were born in the corner of the peninsula on the Asian Continent." He excises the word Korean (Chōsen no) again when mentioning the women's names: "All had Korean names" is altered to read "all had their own real names." Finally, and perhaps most significantly, in the Nihon shōsetsu version, Tamura uses the term "minzoku" (ethnicity, race) in the phrase "aite to wa chigau minzoku no hitori de aru koto wo oboesaserarete" (forced to realize that they were of a different ethnic origin from their partners), while in the published versions the word "minzoku has been eliminated: "aite to wa chigau ningen no hitori de aru koto wo oboesaserarete" (forced to feel that they were a different sort of human being from their partners). As discussed below, the version without any mention of Korea or use of key terms such as race passed the book censorship inspection and was published in an anthology of Tamura's stories in May 1947.

Kerkham's statement about "minzoku" not appearing in published editions is not true. Morever, she betrays her casual approach to translation.

"minzoku"

While chigau minzoku is changed to chigau ningen in the phrase Kerkham cites, "minzoku" survives in the phrase minzoku o koete in all published versions, among other phrases. Immediately following her citation of Part 1, Kerkham makes the following comment about minzoku (Kerkham 2001: 316).

The use of the phrase "minzoku wo koete" (surmount, move beyond "race," or more accurately ethnicity), hints at the narrator's own sense of ethnic superiority, feelings that, nevertheless, could somehow be overcome by a customer's sensitivity toward the women.

"racial superiority"

Kerkham does not explain why she feels that the narrator's use of "minzoku" hints at "racial superiority". If anything, Tamura uses "minzoku" as a frank, objective recognition of the fact that, at the time, Chosenese (Chōsenjin 朝鮮人), Taiwanese (Taiwanjin 台湾人), and Interiorites (Naichijin 内地人) generally regarded themselves and each other as constituting different racioethnic "nations" or ethnonational "races" or "peoples" -- within their overarching civil nationality identities as "subjects" of Japan who owed their allegiance to the emperor as the imperial sovereign, and as "nationals" of Japan who owed their allegiance to the state as a constitutional monarchy. Obviously many individuals viewed "Yamato minzoku" as superior, and some debated whether the peoples of Taiwan, Karafuto, and Chōsen would someday be on a par with Interiorites, which included Okinawans and Ainu, among others who might experience exclusion "Yamato race" characterization.

Individually, however, people had to mix socially -- work together, study together, even intermarry. And individually, many were in positions, and of dispositions, to "overcome race" as a caste-like barrier. That is all "minzoku o koeru" (民族を越える) implies -- seeing others beyond their putative "race".

In terms of their civil status, Chosenese were Japanese. Tamura is writing after the war, when the empire has been dismantled, and he consciously speaks of "Chosenese" and "Japanese" as different. If writing during the war, he might well as spoken of "Chosenese" and "Interiorites" as different -- recognizing that both were imperial subjects and nationals, who shared the same nationality as Japanese.

At the time Tamura wrote his "nikutai" trilogy, the Japanese government, under GHQ/SCAP directives, treated Chosenese and Taiwanese as "non-Japanese" for purposes of repatriation and border control, and there was a general perception that they were not Japanese. But under both Japanese law and Allied directives, mindful of the need to resolve nationality issues in bilateral treaties, Chosenese and Taiwanese continued to be treated as Japanese for all other purposes. Though Japan had provisionally lost its non-prefectural territories (along with two prefectures), Japan's territorial laws, and national laws with territorial constraints, continued to operate in Occupied Japan (and continue to operate in Japan today) when legally necessary, in private (including nationality) matters, to differentiate between people in prefectural and non-prefectural registers. Interiorites, In Occupied Japanese, Chosenese, and Taiwanese who had not migrated to ROC nationality, were subject to the same national laws and courts as Japanese nationals.

In the Yamatoist ideology of the times, the prefectural Interior (Naichi 内地) and Chōsen (挑戦) were envisioned as a single body (Nai-Sen ittai 内鮮一体), on the assumption that their peoples shared a common ancient ancestry -- namely that of the Yamato race (Yamato minzoku 大和民族). But the "reunion" of "Yamato" and "Chōsen" (racioethnic) nations (minzoku) -- the return of Chōsen to the Yamato fold -- was goal, and not yet an achievement in public consciousness.

Tamura is narrating in a voice that was probably common to many people in Japan at the time, regardless of their personal identity. Speaking of Chosenese as not being "Japanese" was more in keeping with the postwar mood in which Chōsen had been "liberated" from Japan, which implied that Chosenese had been "liberated" from their status as Japanese -- though at the time, that was not true, for officially they continued to possess Japanese nationality and were generally treated as such.

I also get the impression that the narrator is totally sympathetic to all characters that deserve sympathy -- regardless of their putatively different "race" within the same imperial nationality. Tamura's enemies are the "Japanese officers" and the "Japanese prostitutes" who cohorted with the officers in the rear, and together looked down on rank-and-file "Japanese soldiers" and "Chosenese" prostitutes. He sees the latter as sharing common conditions on the front lines -- conditions in which at least some prostitutes and soldiers, like Harumi and Mikami, overlooked their putative "race".

As for the semantic range of "minzoku" -- it is essentially "nation", "race", or "people" in the racioethnic senses of these three English terms. Kerkham's glosses of "minzoku" as "ethnicity, race" or "'race' or more accurately ethnicity" -- simply do not hold. In Tamura's language, "minzoku" is clearly a racioethnic "nation" or ethnonational "race" -- no more, no less. On purely morphological grounds, "ethnicity" and "ethnic" and "ethnic origin" are impossible translations.

The term "minzoku" is never used in any sense of having a "-quality" or of designating an "origin". It refers to a population that has the qualifies of a racialized ethnic "nation" in the sense of German "Volk" or the "ethnos" of ethnology and ethnography. At the time, "minzoku-sei" (民族性) was used to mean "nationality" as the quality of being part of a "minzoku" (民族) conceived as a "nation" in the racioethnic sense of a population defined primarily by blood -- i.e., a "race" in the ethnonational or ethnological sense.

This use of "nationality" -- not in reference the civil status associated with passports -- continues to be especially common in present-day Americanese, where "What is your nationality?" most likely means "What is your [racioethnic] heritage / [racioooethnic] background / [racioethnic] national origin // ethnicity / race?"

In the past, "minzoku" was commonly translated "race" as in "The Japanese Association of Race Hygiene" -- the English name of "Nihon minzokueisei gakkai" (日本民族衛生學會). Its journal, "Minzoku eisei" (民族衛生), was similarly dubbed "Race Hygiene".

In 1983, Nihon Minzoku Eisei Gakkai (日本民族衛生学会) changed its English name from "The Japanese Association of Race Hygiene" to "The Japanese Society of Health and Human Ecology". See Japanese Association of Race Hygiene in "The Native Worlds Building" article in the "Race" section of this website for the reasons.

The field of "minzoku eisei gaku" (民族衛生学) concerned itself with research that aimed to measure the vitality of the "nation" conceived as a racioethnic population. Racial hygienists invested in "eugenics" (yūseigaku 優勢学) mainly in the interest of improving the "nation" (race) through nutrition, sanitation, excercise, and social morality. Think of it as "national health". Most of eugenic concerns were with subjects of interest to medical anthropologists and public health specialists.

In imperial Japan, some publicists and reseachers dabbled in theories of racial superiority, and worried about the effects of racial and ethnonational mixing within the empire. Most, however, focused on environmental rather than genetic effects, including disease prevention, nutrition, and education, and saw racioethnic integration through marriage as both a natural and desired course of a racially diverse imperial population in the process of becoming one under the same emperor and flag -- and, in time, the same body of laws.

"minzoku-teki-na gyakute"

"Minzoku" also survives in expressions like "minzoku teki "minzoku-teki-na gyakute" (民族的な逆手) meaning "racial (ethnic, national) backhand" (see Would the emperor call me a whore? (below) for details.

"oboesaserarete"

Kerkham translates "oboesaserarete" two ways.

aite to wa chigau minzoku no hitori de aru koto wo oboesaserarete
[they are] forced to realize that they were of a different ethnic origin from their partners

aite to wa chigau ningen no hitori de aru koto wo oboesaserarete
[they are] forced to feel that they were a different sort of human being from their partners

Hiromi and her fellow Chosenese comfort women are not "forced" to "realize" or "feel" anything. Their circumstances, including the ways they are treated, "make them remember" that they are different "races" or "human beings". Better, structurally closer and more consisent, translations are are follows.

aite to wa chigau minzoku no hitori de aru koto wo oboesaserarete
[they] are made to feel that [they] are a person of a different race (nation, people) than [their] partner

aite to wa chigau ningen no hitori de aru koto wo oboesaserarete
[they] are made to feel that [they] are a person of a different people (human being) than [their] partner

Note 82Shunpuden, 16 (6; 432). As mentioned earlier, the phrase "who ate garlic and red hot pepper" were deleted in Tamura's self-censored version of the story published in May 1947. The sentence in this passage, "perhaps this was a special ethnic characteristic of these women," was also deleted in the published versions."

This is not true. Both phrases Kerkham says were deleted in the published versions appear in published versions, beginning with the May 1947 Ginza Shuppansha edition.

Wetherall's notes and comments

Kerkham does not show a facsimile or transcription of galleys of parts of the story which she has translated. My impression from her description of the galleys, and from her translation of the above paragraph, in comparison with my copies of published versions, is that the published version -- except for the very few phrases that she has noted were deleted or rewritten -- is the same as the text of the galleys version.

I get the impression from Kerkham's translation that she prefers freer, more prosaic, interpretive, and even creative adaptations that ignore the semantic and stylistic details of the original in favor of something she feels is a better way to tell the story in English in the 1990s. In the process, she replaces Tamura's voice with her own.

Note, also, that she transliterates Chosenese and Chinese proper nouns according to external (non-Japanese) rather than internal (Japanese) standards. She represents Chōsen place names in Sino-Korean rather than in Sino-Japanese -- though Tamura probably wrote the names thinking of their Sino-Japanese readings. Only readers of Japanese who knew Chosenese, and were prone to read the Chōsen place names in Chosenese, would have read them in Chosenese. Even the Chosenese women, when speaking Japanese, were likely to have given their Chosenese names in Sino-Japanese. Writers of Japanese who wanted readers to know non-Japanese readings would show the exotic readings in furigana.

Another gesture to fashionable (mis)representation of Japanese language texts in English is Kirkham's rendering of Tamura's "Chōsen" as Korea. In-line glosses and endnotes reveal that she is fully aware that he has written "Chōsen" and not "Kankoku". So why is she writing "Korea" and "Korean" rather than "Chosen" and "Chosenese"? One cannot write accurate history, or historical fiction, in Japanese, Chosenese, Korean, or Chinese without differentiating between "Chosen" and "Korea". Yet Kerkham and practically all other scholars who write in English get away with conflating "Chosen" and "Korea" as though they are the same.

If you ask around, you will hear different reasons -- from "Making such distinctions in English would be confusing for English readers" -- to "Japan's annexation of Korea as Chōsen was illegal". The former insults the intelligence of English readers, some of whom may want to know the truth. The later begs questions like -- "Why are there still people in Japan regarded as "Chosenese" because they continue to in legacy "Chōsen" registers?" -- "Why does the "Democratic People's Republic of Korea" not call itself the "Democratic Republic of Chosŏ" in English, since its name is "Chōsen" and not "Kankoku" -- and its citizens are Chosenese and not Koreans?

actual names (hontō no namae 本當の名前)   This is a paraphase for "real name" (see below).

having been sold for borrowings [wages] in advance (zenshaku de kawarete kite 前借で買はれてきて)   Tamura has a very clear grasp of contemporary socio-economic conditions that, historically, movitated some families to sell a child or two -- a boy or a girl -- into a condition of indentured servitude for an amount of money that the broker would pay the family in advance, against the wages that the indent1ured worker was expected to earn the owners of the contract over a period of time. These arrangements were legal, so long as they weren't deceptive. Not a few women who became professional geisha or pleasure girls began their careers through such arrangements. A contract was often a bond that could be bought by another person. The bonded or indent1ured person could even be bought out of debt and thus become free, though there might be conditions on their freedom. A woman might be bought out of the house (establishment) for which she worked by a patron, who she might continue to relate with her as a mistress, if not marry her.

Tamura's heroine understands she has the agency to free herself, and has a romantic reason for doing so, to marry a Japanese customer who seems to love her as she has allowed herself to love him. Her problems begin when she finds herself to have been misled, deceived, or betrayed -- after which she abandon's hope and even herself, and volunteers with two other girls to join the women at at an inland comfort station. Things don't improve, as she herself attracted to a non-com disparaged and badgered bullied by an officer who bullies her into sexually accepting him as well. She and her non-com determine that the only peace they will find together is in death.

In other words, the basic story of Shunpuden is the classic "shinjūmono" (心中物) ["double-suicide story"] that became popular during the Edo-period and continues to inspire fiction, theater, television, and music fare today. The universality of the motiff -- of dying together for love (jōshi 情死), whether in a consenusal suicide pact or in a homicide followed by suicide -- is seen in virtually all human societies, in the behavior of star-crossed lovers, or families and others caught between a real rock and an imaginary hard place in life,

professional names (genji-na 源氏名)   This refers to a professional alias, such as those adopted by geisha, pleasure girls, cabaret hostesses, bar girls, and men at host clubs -- in this case prostitutes at brothels. "Genji" alludes to Genji in Murasaki Shikibu's Genji monogatari, whose lovers have all been given simple and poetic names by which they are known in the tale.

real names (honmyō 本名)   A person's "real name" is the person's legal name -- in this case, the names of girls according to their domicile or household registers.

transcend race (minzoku o koete 民族を超えて)   The term "minzoku" refers to a "nation" conceived as a "racioethnic" collectivity. It is commonly used in terms like "ethnology" (minzokugaku 民族学) to denote the study of the ethnic aspects of a population regarded as an "ethnos" or, in some case, a "Volk". It is also translated, as here, "race" in the somewhat older anthropological sense of "French race" or "German race". At the time of Tamura's story, Chosenese (and Taiwanese also) were actually Japanese, on account of their being nationals and subjects of Japan, and official statitics and other government reports usually showed breakdowns of "countrymen" (hōjin 邦人) by their civil status as Japanese, which was based entirely on the territorial affiliation of their household registers -- the prefectural Interior or Naichi (内地), Taiwan (台湾), Chōsen (朝鮮), or Karafuto (樺太) until 1943 when it was integrated into the Interior as a prefecture. Socially, though, many people continued to "racilaize" people according to their putative "ethnic" characteristics -- which were not necessarily predicated on or predictable from their formal civil status, since people changed their territorial registers if were married or adopted into a family in another territory. Had, for example, one of the girls in Tamura's story been indent1ured to an Interior family as a domestic servant or maid, and had the family then wanted to adopt her as a daughter, and been permitted to do so, the girl would migrate from her biological parents' Chōsen register to her adoptive parents' Interior register, and hence she herself would cease being Chosenese and become an Interiorite. Still -- in racialist terms -- some people might have perceived her to be of the "Chōsen minzoku" or "Chōsen race", and she herself might have continued to harbor such a racioethnic or "national" consciousness. The point in Tamura's story, though, is that true love conquers all perceptions of racial or national or caste or class differences.

raised their voices and wailed (oogoe o agete nakiwameki 大聲をあげて泣きわめき)   This -- like chewing garlic and eating peppers -- alludes to Chosenese (Korean) behavior. Wailing is culturally learned expression of grief at funerals, but may characterize other expressions of emotional pain.

fervent theory of life (hageshii seikatsu riron 烈しい生活理論)   This of course is Tamura's tradmark "carnality doctrine" (nikutai-ron 肉体論) of life, in which he attributes most human behavior to bodily needs, centering on sexual desires. Shunpuden immediately followed his first and second novels -- Nikutai no akuma (肉体の悪魔) or "Demon of the flesh (the body)]", which was also set in Shanhsi province (山西省) in wartime China, and his best known novel Nikutai no mon (肉体の門) or "The gate of flesh (the body)", which was set in the world of prostitution in postwar Occupied Japan. It was rivaled by a not entirely different "doctrine of decadance" (daraku-ron 堕落論), most fervently articulated by Sakaguchi Angō (坂口安吾 1906-1955), who saw Japan tail-spinning in moral decline after the war, but also before the war, owing to the materialism and narcissism that came with modernization, Europeanization and Americanization, that lacked moral anchors.

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"Would the Emperor call me a whore?"

Harumi's "racial backhand" against Japanese who made a fool of her

Kerhkam takes too many liberties in some of her summaries of Tamura's narrative. Rather than reveal what Tamura writes, and let readers participate in his 1940s drama, without her running 1990s Americnesque commentary -- in other words, rather than show before she tells -- she front loads her presentation with her own story, in the course of which she lifts things out of Tamura's story to suit her own viewpoint and purpose. And not infrequently she garbles the details.

Kerham's overview of Harumi's comments about the emperor is a good example of what she does (Kerkham 2001: pages 318-319 and notes, all [bracketed remarks] and highlighting mine).

Kerkham's representation

. . . the narrator vividly exposes the assumption of ethnic superiority [sic = Kerkham's characterization] expressed in the attitude of the officer [who would become Harumi's nemesis] toward his Korean sex slave [sic = Kerkham's characterization]. On the occasion of their first meeting, for instance, Harumi has gone to bed for the night with another officer [sic = a sergeant]. The higher-ranking second lieutenant, Aide-de-Camp Narita, demands admittance. Harumi refuses to allow him in and Narita kicks open her door [sic = Harumi opens the door], forcing her previous guest to leave [sic = and orders her guest (= the sergeant) to leave]. She continues to resist, however. "Get out of here! I won't be with a damn fool; I won't have you!" "'Even if he murders me,' she thinks, 'I will not become the partner of this officer.'" Yet the man will not be deterred. He hisses this slur: "Damn fool! How dare a low-class Korean whore say such a thing?" [Note 41] Shaking with anger, the spirited Harumi comes back with a tactic that had, back in the city, silenced unpleasant customers. "Korean? You wonder how a Korean can say such a thing, but we have the same emperor." This bit of logic sends the officer into a rage and he slaps Harumi down: "You fool, how could the emperor know the likes of one such as you! You utter the word 'emperor'! How dare a dirty slut like you say such a thing?" [Note 42] . . .

Note 41 (page 352)   In the published versions, "low-class Korean prostitute" (Chōsen pii no bunzai de nani o iu ka) (Chōsen is written in katakana in the Nihon shōsetsu [galleys] version) is changed simply to "low-class prostitute" (Pii wo bunzai de nani o iu ka): ibid., 22 (24-25; 440).

Kerkham does not say how "Chōsen" was written. Before Tamura's time it would have been "Teusen" (テウセン), but by his generation most people were writing "Chousen" (チヨウセン). Latter writers might have written it "Choosen" (チヨ―セン) to suggest a degrogatory tone. Nor does Kerkham say whether katakana "Chōsen" was linked to katakana "pii" (ピイ) -- meaning "prostitute" -- with a mid-dot (・) -- but then such details were not in her brief.

Note 42 (page 352)   Ibid. Again the references to "Chōsen are deleted in the published versions. In the 1968 Kōdansha version, Harumi's comeback to the officer becomes "A whore? You call me a whore? Would the emperor call me that? We have the same emperor!" (Pii, piitte, baka ni suru ka. Tennō Heika ga sore iu ka. Tennō Heika onaji zo), 440.

Kerkham's remarks that Harumi's comeback "became" the statement she cites is very hard to follow in her presentation, since she doesn't show the original text. However, the revision she cites had taken place by no later than the 1962 edition. See texts of the problematic line from published editions, and my translation and further comments, in their fuller context, below.

Tamura tells the story rather differently.

Harumi quickly becomes very popular and everyone wants to play (asobu 遊ぶ) with her. The lieutenant who barges into her room in the following scene has only heard of her by reputation, but is determined to have his turn, even if it means pulling rank and breaking in line.

Tamura uses "asobu" (遊ぶ) in its totally conventional sense of "play" or "hang out" or "have fun" -- whether kids with toys in room or on a swing in a park, or high school students at a fastfood shop after school, or an office girl in bed with her married supervisor at a love hotel. My structural approach is to translated the word just "play" and leave its nuances to the reader. The word "yūjo" (遊女) is an old term in Japanese for "pleasure girl" while "playgirl" is "pureigaaru" (プレイガール).

Midnight has come on the 5th night and someone pounds on Harumi's door so hard it seems it might break. The sergeant major, who was there for the night, is sleeping in her bed. She asks who's calling and says she has a guest. "I don't care, open up", the caller says and starts kicking the door. She can see his eyes peering through a space between the door and the frame. He kicks the door harder, calls her a fool, and worrying he'll break the door, she releases the catch and opens it herself. Harumi tries to block the door, but the tall officer pushes her aside and barges in. It was the lieutenant. He sees the man on Harumi's bed and orders him to get up. The sergeant, pretending he was asleep, opens his eyes and lifts his head from the pillow. The lieutenant recognizes him, and knowing he'd been permitted to stay the night, says, "You've already played, right? So change with me (mō, asondan daro, na, kawatte kure yo もう、遊んだんだろ、な、かわつてくれよ). The sergeant's acknowledgment of the lieutenant's request was weak, but seeming resigned about it, he stands to leave. "Why are you leaving? You can't leave," Harumi says, taking his arm, while glaring at the lieutenant. "You leave (anta wa kaere yo あんたはかえれよ)," she says to the lieutenant. "I'm not playing with you." The narrator remarks that Harumi doesn't care if she's killed, she's not going to take the officer as a partner. (1947: 18-21, 1949: 22-24).

The confrontation escalates like this (1947: 21, 1949: 24-25).

Fools, prostitutes, and the emperor
Harumi's first encounter with Lieutenant Narita

「馬鹿野郎、ピイの分際でなにをいふか」

それを聞いて春美はもうなにがなんだかわらないほど怒りで頭が燃え、身體がふるへた。

「ピイ、ピイつて馬鹿にするか、天皇陛下がそれいふか、同じぞ」

興奮して、せきこんでゐたが、この言葉の意味の効果は知つてゐた。これは春美の發見した言葉ではなかつたが、彼女たちはあらゆるとき、あらゆる場所で、なんど日本人に對して、この言葉を用ひてきたらう。これは一つの民族的な逆手のやうなものでさへあつた。これをいへばたいていの日本人は黙つてしまふのだつた。

「馬鹿つ、天皇陛下がお前たちみいたいいなものを知つとられるかつ」中尉は、いきなり彼女をつき飛ばした。「こいつ、陛下のことをいふか、お前らのやうなけがれた奴らが、そんなことをいつて、いいのかつ」

"You fool. What's a mere whore got to say [about who she plays with]."

Hearing this, Harumi's head burned, and her body (shintai 身体) shook, with such rage she no longer knew what was what.

"You make a fool [of me], saying [I'm] a prostitute, a prostitute? Would his Majesty the Emperor say that?, [(something)] [is] the same."

She was excited, and fitfully coughed, but she knew the effects of these words. They were not words that Harumi had discovered, but how many times had the women come to use them toward Japanese, at all manner of times, at all manner of places. This was even something of a racial backhand. When [they] said this most Japanese fell silent.

"Fool. Would the Emperor know [women] like you?" the lieutenant said, and suddenly pushed her away [sent her flying]. "You talk about the Emperor? Defiled [women] like like you, you [think] it's okay to say something like that?"

Comments on narrative

There are several interpretive problems here.

What is the same?

The "ka, onaji zo" (か、同じぞ) phrasing in the sentence "Tennō Heika ga sore iu ka, onaji zo" (天皇陛下がそれいふか、同じぞ) raises the question -- what is the same?

I have transcribed the text according to the May 1947 Ginza Shuppansha edition. The October 1949 Yakumo Shoten edition has "ga" (が)for "ka" (か). Was one or the other a proofreader's oversight of a typesetter's error? Perhaps someone had distributed a "ka" ro the "ga" box, or a "ga" to the "ka" box in the type case. Or was the 1949 version a correction of the 1947 version.

If "ka" the question would be rhetorical, and the sentence might translate -- "Would the emperor call me whore?, [no], [he's] the same [as me]." Or maybe she's saying -- "Would the emperor call me a whore?", [you're calling me a whore] is the same [as if the emperor was calling me a whore].

But the 1962 Shun'yōdō Shoten bunko edition (page 15) has the following text for the line Kerkham cites from the 1968 Kōdansha edition. The 1965 Tōhōsha boxed edition (page 20) is the same except it lacks the comma between "pii" and "tte" and writes "baka" in kanji rather than katakana.

「ピー、ピー、って、バカにするか。天皇陛下がそれいうか。天皇陛下、同じぞ」

Pii, pii, tte, baka ni suru ka. Tennō Teika ga sore iu ka. Tennō Heika, onaji zo

Saying prostitute, prostitute, you make a fool of me? Would his Magesty the Emperor say that? His Magesty the Emperor, [he's] the same [as (something)].

The orthography reflects later standards. The stop after "ka" -- followed by "Heika" as the topic (if "wa) or subject (if "ga") of "onaji zo" -- are clearly attempts to clarify the meaning of the original sentence. Nonetheless, Tamura leaves it to the reader to imagine what is the same. I do not get the feeling that Harumi means "we have the same emperor". Rather she is equating the emperor with herself as a prostitute -- a supreme insult she characterizes as "racial backhand".

Racial backhanding

In another example of the importance of the "minzoku" (racioethnic "nation", ethnonational "race") metaphor in his depiction of the differences between the "women" (kanojo-tachi) and the "Japanese" (Nihonjin), Tamura characterizes Harumi's remarks about the emperor as a sort of "racial backhand" the women, and apparently other Chosenese, use in common to silence Japanese who would disparage them.

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Kaibara Hiroshi's Showa owattenno (1988)
Examines Tamura's Shunfuden as Hirohito lay dying
Click on images to enlarge
Yosha Bunko scans

Kaibara 1988

Dust jacket of Kaibara's lampoons of Hirohito

Kaibara 1988

"A hole, a hole," shouts the soldier making the first assault on a log

Kaibara 1988

Hirohito has no name, and Hironomiya wants to become "Hiro Shields"

Kaibara 1988

Hirohito cared for by military-attached Christian nurse Michiko

Shunpuden in comfort women lore

Kaibara Hiroshi's lampoon of Hirohito's ianfu

The images to the right show the jacket of Kaibara Hiroshi's Shoo-wa owat-tennoo, published in 1988, as Emperor Hirohito was dying, and three of the book's many annotated lampoons on aspects of his legacy.

貝原浩 (偏・画)
ショーは終っテンノー
天皇制論叢 別冊4
東京:社会評論社
1988年10月15日初版第1刷発行
160ページ (奥付を含む)

Kaibara Hiroshi (editing, drawings)
Shoo-wa owat-tennoo
[The show is over (for Emperor Shōwa)]
Tennō-sei ronsō Bessatsu 4
[Emperor system opinion collection: Separate volume 4
Tokyo: Shakai Hyōron Sha
15 October 1988, 1st edition, 1st printing published
160 pages (including colophon), paper cover, jacket

Kaibara qualifies his own editing and drawing as "biased". He wants readers to know what side he's on.

His collection of lampoons on all aspects of the "emperor system" focuses on Hirohito, who at the time is dying. The collection consists of a mix of short comments, essays, and illustrations. Most commentary consists of one page of text facing a full-page caricature, as shown in the examples to the right.

As you reach the colophon, you think you're done -- but turn the page, and you see a perspiring emperor standing on the back deck of his special railway car, his left hand raised in a wave. The car is bracketed by two lines of text, "Sayonara" (さよなら) right of the page, and "Hirohito" (ヒロヒト) down the left.

Close the back cover, and on it's back you see Hirohito's face and a balloon saying "Minna, shinpai shite arigatō" (皆、心配してくれてありがとう) -- "Everyone, thanks for worrying".

I introduced this book to the world in an article I wrote shortly after Hirohito's death -- titled The Showa is over: Paying their last disrespects to Emperor Hirohito -- for the Far Eastern Economic Review (143:4, 26 January 1989, pages 38-39).

The book was rushed to press in October 1988, a month after Hirohito's intestines began bleeding and the government and nation of Japan, indeed the world, prepared for his death.

The "totsugeki ichiban" (突撃一番) condom cartoon (page 85) is one of many annotated lampoons that appeared in Kaibara's book. The image to the right shows the text of Kaibara's commentary on the cartoon -- "Chosenese comfort women" (Chōjin ianfu 朝鮮人慰安婦). (Page 84)

Also shown to the right are 2 of my other favorite cartoons from the book.

One shows Hirohito at the counter of a club. The mama sidles up and says, "Oh, it's your first time here. What is your name?" To which he says "I don't have one." Behind the bar is Hirohito's grandson Prince Hironomiya, who will soon become the Crown Prince, but needs a wife, pouring his own booze and saying, "I want to become Hiro Shields" -- alluding to his rumored crush on Brooke Shields. (Page 131)

The other shows Hirohito in bed saying "I'm in ag, agony." There to tender her loving care is a nurse attached to the military (jūgun kangofu 従軍看護婦), Hirohito's daughter-in-law Princess Michiko, soon to become the Empress, radiating him with her cross. (Page 135)

"military-attached nurses" (jūgun kangofu 従軍看護婦) were the medical counterparts of "military-attached comfort women" (jūgun ianfu 従軍慰安婦). The expression "military-attached" (jūgun 従軍) is also used with other vocations, mostly commonly "reporters" (kisha 記者) -- "embedded reporters" in present-day English jargon -- hence "embedded nurses" and "embedded comfort women"?

Breaking taboos

For Kaibara and his publishers, it was time to take off the kid gloves regarding alleged taboos about light and dark humor directed at Hirohito, the wartime emperor, and the "emperor system" that leftists that some critics have claimed continues to nurture romantic nationalism in conservative patriotic quarters. Kaibara's commentary is unsparring. His lampoon of a comfort station (page 85), dramatizing his his commentary on Tamura Taijirō's Shunpuden (page 84), is as punching '

"Chōsenjin ianfu"

Preceding and facing the comfort woman cartoon is a full-page article titled "Chosenese comfort women" (Chōsenjin ianfu 朝鮮人慰安婦). The article is devoted to Shunfuden (春婦傅) or "The life of a spring woman" -- a novella by Tamura Taijiro (田村泰次郎 1911-1983) first published in May 1947 after having been suppressed by General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Forces (GHQ/SCAP) in Occupied Japan. "Spring" is associated with the desire and passion men and women seek in a carnal relationship, and a "spring woman" is a "woman who sells spring" (baishunfu 売春婦) -- or, as a similar metaphor puts it, a "woman who sells smiles" (baishōfu 売笑婦).

See Tamura 1947 on this page for a full summary of Shunfuden and an examination of GHQ/SCAP's "HOLD" and "SUPRESS" double punch.

All in the "line" of duty

Kaibara's "totsugeki ichiban" cartoon showing a line of condom-capped soldiers, making a first attack on a log with a hole, is a lampoon on the attitudes of the soldiers who got their rocks off between battles in which they faced death in the name of the emperor and the glory of his realm -- all by the numbers, and in the "line" of duty.

In the foreground of the cartoon, a log reclines on two branch stubs for arms. A spectacled, bucktoothed, barebutted soldier is throwing himself at the waist-high hollow on the log. His eyes are bulging, and he's thinking "Ana ana" (アナ アナ) -- "A hole, a hole". The stocking cap on his close-cropped head is a condom. A queue of condom-capped soldiers snakes into the background and fades into a line of just condoms.

Why do they surge?

The caption reads "Totsugeki ichiban nado tachisawaguramu" (突撃一番など立ち騒ぐらむ) -- meaning "The first assaults [of war], why do they surge?" But the caption is full of wordplay.

"totsugeki ichiban" (突撃一番) happens to have been the name of a commerical brand of prophylactic rubbers popular among military personal from the time of the China Incident in 1937 to shortly before the start of the Pacific War, when they began to be supplied by the military.

For photographs and other information, see Aso Tetsu 1939 and Amako Kuni 2010 under "Personal accounts" in the "Comfort Women" section of "The Sovereign Empire" group of articles on this website.

"nado tachisawaguramu" (など立ち騒ぐらむ) -- "why do [the condoms] rise in commotion?" alludes to a waka attributed to Emperor Meiji (Mutsuhito) at the start of the Russo-Japanese War in 1904, and recited by Hirohito 3 months before Japan attacked Pearl Harbor in 1941 (my translation).

四方の海
皆同胞と思ふ世に
など波風の立ち騒ぐらむ

Yomo no umi /
mina hara kara to / omofu yo ni
nado namikaze no / tachisawaguramu

In a world where we feel that
all of the 4 seas are from the same womb,
why do the waves and winds rise and clamor?

Emperor Shōwa (Hirohito) reportedly recited this waka at the end of an imperial conference on 6 September 1941 at which officials, including the then prime ministry, Prince Konoe Fumimaro (近衞文麿 1891-1945), discussed the pros and cons of convening a war against the United States. The poem written by Emperor Meiji, who had cited it shortly after the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese war in 1904.

The poem is considered to be Emperor Meiji's expression of dismay that the two countries, whose people should feel a common human bond, were fighting each other. Hirohito seems to have expressed the same dismay towards government and military leaders who appeared to want to resort to war to solve Japan's problems with the United States and its Pacific allies.

"hara kara is the Japanese reading of Sino-Japanese "dōhō" (同胞). Where as "dōhō" means "same womb", "hara kara" means "from the [same] belly". The words are most commonly used to refer to comrades and compatriots, brethren and siblings, of the same "minzoku" (民族) or (racioethnic) "nation" or "race". In the context of "yomo no umi, mina", however, they refer to all people from countries in the 4 seas -- the seas in all directions -- i.e., all humankind, all members of the human race.

"nami kaze no tachisawagu" (波風の立ち騒ぐ) -- "the rising and clamoring of waves and wind" -- refers to storms at sea, and alludes to the discord between Japan and Russia -- the battles between their navies.

nado (など) is a classical form of "naze" or "dōshite", and "ramu" (らむ) is a classical form of suppositional "darō". So "nado XYZ ramu" means something like "Why do you suppose XYZ?"

The puzzle of Emperor Shōwa's "Four seas"

平山周吉
昭和天皇「よもの海」の謎
東京:新潮社
2014年4月25日発行
303ページ、ソフトカバー

Hirayama Shūkichi
Shōwa Tennō "Yomo no umi" no nazo [ The puzzle of Emperor Shōwa's ""] Tokyo: Shinchōsha
25 April 2014 published
303 pages, softcover, jacket, obi

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Shunpuden films

The 1st movie version, made in 1949 and released in 1950 by Shin Tōhō (新東宝), corrupted the original story, beginning with its title, "Akatsuki no dassō" (暁の脱走), or "Escape at Dawn" as it is generally known in English. The film was directed by Taniguchi Senkichi (谷口千吉 1912-2007) from a script he wrote with the help of Kurosawa Akira (黒澤明 1910-1998). After squabbling over how to handle the Chosenese elements that remained in the novel, and the manner in which the lovers died, the film makers turned Tamura's story into a very different kind of drama.

The 2nd film adaptation, made and released in 1965 by Nikkatsu (日活) and directed by Suzuki Seijun (鈴木清順 b1923), attempted to return the story to its novelistic roots, but ended up corrupting it in different ways -- again without its original Chosenese elements.

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Akatsuki no dasso 1950 Akatsuki no dassō < Escape at Dawn >
1950 adapation of Shunpuden by Taniguchi Senkichi
Yosha Bunko scan of Taiwan DVD edition

Akatsuki no dassō 1950 (1949)

"Escape at Dawn"

In this first film adaptation of Tamura Taijirō's Shunpuden, Harumi is played by Yamaguchi Yoshiko (山口淑子), better known on Broadway and in Hollywood as Shirley Yamaguchi (シャーリー・ヤマグチ), but best known as the Manchuria-born singer and actress Ri Kōran (李香蘭 Lee Hsiang Lan).

At the time Kaihara Hiroshi's book of lampoons on the dying "emperor system" came out in 1988, Yamaguchi was -- as he describes her in his article on "Chosenese ianfu" (Chōsenjin ianfu 朝鮮人慰安婦) -- "none other than the Liberal Democratic Party's number-one talent Diet member Ōtaka Yoshiko (大鷹淑子)." See Kaibara 1988 below for details.

The conventional English version has "escape" for "dassō" (脱走), which means "desert" in a military context. In Japanese, the terms for "escapee" and "deserter" are respectively "dassōsha" (脱走者) ["person who runs away (from detention)"] and "dassōhei" (脱走兵) ["soldier who runs away (from duty post)"].

Imondan

The women in the movie are not represented as "comfort women" (ianfu 慰安婦) but as "consolation unit personnel" (imondan-in 慰問団員). An "imondan" (慰問団) was more broadly a "group" or "troupe" (dan 団) of entertainers, especially singers and dancers, mostly women, but also men, some famous, others not. The purpose of such groups was not sexual entertainment, and the women were not obliged to fraternize with officers or soldiers, though some might.

The term "imondan" also seems to have been used, as in this movie, to refer to groups of women who entertained soldiers at clubs where drinks were served. In the course of such work, the women were subjectable to pressure to sexually fraternize with officers and cadre who flaunted their masculine desires if not also their authority.

By some accounts (see Hirano 1992 below), this movie had a difficult birth, as its director, producer, and script writers disagreed over how faithfully it should adhere to the Tamura's novel. And Occupation authorities and others in positions to have a say in content demanded a number of changes in several versions of the script.

Having read the original novel as published in 1947, and seen the 1950 film, I will simply declare that the movie is nothing like the novel. Which is "better" is not an appropriate question if one grants creative license to both Tamura and the film makers. As works of entertainment, both the novel and the movie manipulate readers and viewers differently by way to telling their very different stories. As for which work is more "authentic" as a snapshot of the human condition in China at the time, the novel trumps the film. Or, more frankly, the film -- pandering as it did to the demands of censors bent on suppressing facts for the sake of not offending ideologues -- doesn't quality as a candidate for authenticity.

The double-suicide ending of the novel became a double-murder in the film. Double suicide is one of the most familiar and predicable endings in stories about star-crossed lovers. Showing their being shot does not entirely eliminate suicidal intent on their part, but it does vilify the military far more than the novel.

The film's characterization of the women as "imondan-in" -- rather than as "ianfu" -- may have been contrived as a way to increase the audience's sympathy for the heroine. However, prostitutes as sympathetic heroines are not uncommon in Japanese fiction, drama, and film fare. In any event, there does not seem to have been a taboo -- then -- against depicting "ianfu" for what they were -- some professional prostitutes, some hoping to work off family debts, some sold into indentured service in brothels, some contracted under false pretenses for work in factories, and some abducted into sexual slavery.

The graphs imon (慰問) denote a "consolation inquiry" in a sense similar to "mimae" (見舞い). As used in the military, it meant something intended to "comfort" or "console" or "cheer up" or "soothe" or "amuse" or "relieve" soldiers in the field. An "imonbukuro" (慰問袋) was a "comfort bag" or box of amenities given a soldier, especially in a warzone, where sweets, cookies, and other such items were in short supply.

The story

In this first movie version of Shunpuden, Mikami, a gentle Superior Private stationed at a forward Imperial Army base in a fortified village in China, is wooed by Harumi, a singer, who would rather fraternize with him than be forced to sleep with the vulgar and violent adjutant (aide-de-camp). The adjutant, who is jealous of her feelings toward Mikami, sends him on a mission into territory controlled by Chinese resistance forces. He is wounded and captured, then released and returns to the base, where the adjutant and some others treat him badly. Harumi persuades him to desert, and in disguise they join a group of Chinese who are permitted to leave the village. The adjutant, who learns they are missing, does not spot them until they are some distance from the gate of the walled village. But they are within the range of a machine gun mounted on a turret near the gate, and the adjuctant himself mans the gun and fires at them until they they are mortally wounded. As they die, Harumi extends her hand toward Mikami's but fails to reach it.

The film

Akatsuki no dassō was produced and distributed by Shin Tōhō (新東宝), a 1947 split-off Tōhō (東宝) that became known for its "exploitation" films. The "New Toho Company" lasted until 1961, when it went bankrupt, though parts of its operations were reincarnated in other companies, including Shin Tōhō Eiga (新東宝映画), which made a name for itself as a major producer of "pink" or "sexploitation" films.

Internet film databases give the release date as 8 January 1950, but the Akatsuki no dassō was first screened in 1949. The original release is said to have run 115 minutes. The Taiwan DVD release, which has the original Japanese soundtrack and options for Japanese or Chinese subtitles, runs 110 minutes.

1950 Akatsuki no dassō staff and cast credit
Staff
監督 Direction
製作 Production
原作 Originator
脚本 Scenario
  
  
撮影 Cinematography
音楽 Music
美術 Art
照明 Lighting
谷口千吉 Taniguchi Senkichi
田中友幸 Tanaka Tomoyuki
田村泰次郎 Tamura Taijiro
谷口千吉 Taniguchi Senkichi
黒澤明 Kurosawa Akira
三村明 Mimura Akira
早坂文雄 Hayasaka Fumio
松山崇 Matsuyama Takashi
大沼正喜 Ōnuma Masaki
Cast
三上上等兵 Superior Private Mikami
副官 Adjutant (Aide-de-camp)
中隊長 Company Commander
小田軍曹 Sergeant Oda
山本上等兵 Superior Private Yamamoto
木村軍曹 Sergeant Kimura
小島伍長 Corporal Kojima
野呂軍曹 Sergeant Noro
桑島軍曹 Sergeant Kiwashima
春美 Harumi
百合 Yuriko
薫 Kaoru
恵子 Keiko
伸枝 Nobue
立花 Tachibana
池部良 Ikebe Ryō
小沢栄 Ozawa Eitarō
清川荘司 Kiyokawa Soji
伊豆肇 Izu Hajime
柳谷寛 Yanagiya Kan
田中実 Tanaka Minoru
島田友三郎 Shimada Yūsaburō
田中春男 Tanaka Haruo
山室耕 Yamamuro Kō
山口淑子 Yamaguchi Yoshiko
利根はる恵 Tone Harue
若山セツ子 Wakayama Setsuko
立花満枝 Tachibana Mitsue
安雙三枝 Yasufusa Saegusa
深見泰三 Fukami Taizō

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Hirano 1992 Title page of hardcover edition of
Kyoko Hirano's Mr. Smith Goes to Tokyo
Yosha Bunko scan
Hirano 1992 First page of Hirano's 9-page overview of
Taniguchi Senkichi's Akatsuki no dassō
Yosha Bunko scans
Hirano 1998

1998 Japanese edition

Above and right
Dust jacekt and obi
and front and back flaps of
1998 Japanese adaptation of
Hirano Kyoko's doctoral dissertation as
Tennō to seppun
"The emperor and kissing"

Click on images to enlarge
Yosha Bunko scan

Below
First pages of Chapter 7 on
The case of "Escape at Dawn"

Hirano 1992
Hirano 1998

Kyoko Hirano on "Akatsuki no dasso"

Kyoko Hirano (Hirano Kyōko 平野共余子 b1952), born in Tokyo in 1952, and educated at Waseda University and Tokyo University, came to the United States on a Fulbright Fellowship in 1979, and completed a doctoral disseration on Japanese films under the Allied Occupation of Japan, at New York University in 1988. English and Japanese adaptations of her dissertation were published in 1992 and 1998.

Both language versions contain essentially the same general description of the ways in GHQ/SCAP and others meddled in the production of the 1950 film version of Tamura Taijiro's 1947 novel Shunpuden. But the two versions also show how Hirano, like practically all researchers who write in English, prefer to speak in English of "Korea" and "Koreans" rather than "Chosen" and "Chosenese" -- although in Japanese they speak of "Chōsen" (Chosen) and "Chōsenjin" (Chosenese), knowing that "Korea" and "Koreans" did not exist after the Empire of Korea became the Japanese territory of Chōsen in 1910.

Hirano 1992

Kyoko Hirano
Mr. Smith Goes to Tokyo
(Japanese Cinema Under the American Occupation, 1945-1952)
[Smithsonian Studies in the History of Film and Television]
Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992
365 pages, illustrated, hardcover

A paperback edition was published in 1994. The scans shown here are from an ex libris copy of the hardcover edition that lacks a dust jacket.

Hirano 1998

平野共余子
天皇と接吻:アメリカ占領下の日本映画検閲
東京:草思社
1998年1月1日
411ページ、単行本、カバー、帯

Hirano Kyōko
Tennō to seppun: Amerika senryōka no Nihon eiga ken'estsu
[ The Emperor and Kissing: Japan film censorship under the America occupation ]
Tokyo: Sōshisha
1 January 1998 first published
411 pages, hardcover, jacket, obi

This is a Japanese adaptation of Hirano 1992. Sōshisha issued a bunko edition in 2021, and it is also available in a Kindle edition.

平野 共余子(ひらの・きょうこ) 1952年東京生まれ。早稲田大学法学部卒業。東京大学人文科学研究科比較文学比較文化専攻修士課程、東京大学新聞研究所を経て、1976-77年旧ユーゴスラヴィア政府給費留学生としてベオグラード大学大学院映画学科に留学、1979年フルブライト奨学生としてニューヨーク大学大学院映画研究科に留学し博士号取得。1986年より2004年までニューヨーク市のジャパン・ソサエティでアメリカにおける日本映画紹介に携わり、その活動と著書『天皇と接吻』(草思社)で日本映画ペンクラブ賞、川喜多賞受賞。ニューヨーク大学、ニュー・スクール大学、テンプル大学ジャパン・キャンパス、明治学院大学などでも非常勤講師を務めてきた。

The book began as a doctoral dissertation at New York University, completed in 1988 and titled Japanese cinema under the American occupation: 1945-1952.

The title "Mr. Smith goes to Tokyo" was inspired by Frank Capra's Mr. Smith Goes to Washington, the 1939 classic political comedy depicting democracy in action when a newly elected small-town senator who goes to Washington to combat corruption. Hirano thus characterizes what she calls "the American Occupation" as a "Mr. Smith" that goes to Japan to democratize the country and rid of the elements that led to the Pacific War.

Hirano is far from alone in stylizing the Allied Occupation of Japan from 1945-1952 as an "American Occuption". While the war against Japan in the Pacific Theatre was mainly an American operation, and while the military Occupation of Japan was led and dominated by the United States, it was nonetheless an Allied action, undertaken under the authority of agreements made by the nations that united in January 1942 to defeat the Empire of Japan, and wartime declarations that determined how Japan would be treated when defeated. The Allied Nations were also known as the United Nations -- not to be confused with the postwar supranational body that succeeded the League of Nations.

"rewritten at least seven times"

Hirano opens "The Case of Desrtion at Dawn in her chapter on "Prohibited Subjects" like this (Hirano1992, page 87).

The screenplay of Senkichi Taniguchi's Desertion at Dawn (Escape at Dawn [Akatsuki no dassō] (1950) was rewritten at least seven times between September 1948, when it was first submitted to CIE, and January 1950, when the film was finally released. For no other film among the cases that I studied from the occupation period were so many rewrites mandated. The various versions of its script, some of whose yellowing pages have started to decay, take up the largest space in the collection of files on Japanese films at the National Records Center in Suitland, Maryland, and are stored in two boxes.

Hirano, while noting that the 5th script is missing from the file, reviews changes made in several other scripts, beginning with the 1st script, by Taniguchi Senkichi and Kurosawa Akira. Kurosawa's name was dropped from the 4th and subsequent scripts.

The "Chinese Mission in Japan" -- as Hirano describes the diplomatic legation of the Republic of China in Occupied Japan -- reviewed at least the 1st script. This suggests that Hirano's "American Occupation" was in fact an Allied collaboration.

According to a letter from the Chinese Mission on file, the mission had no objection to the film but recommended a few, mostly minor changes. The most significant request for change in the script, among several listed by Hirano, was -- in my opinion -- the request to change "Shina" (支那) -- the most common name for China in Japanese -- to "Chūgoku" (中國) -- Sino-Japanese version of "Chungkuo" (Zhongguo).

Hirano calls Chūgoku "the official name for the country" -- though formally ROC was founded as, and continues to be, "Chūka Minkoku" (中華民国 Chunghua Minkuo, Zhonghua Minguo) in Sino-Japanese. "Chūkoku" (Chungkuo, Zhonghua) is merely an older, more generic name for the country, regardless of its "official name" at any given time.

At the time the Chinese mission in Occupied Japan was asking to be called "Chūgoku", Chiang Kai-shek's nationalist forces were losing ROC's control and jurisdiction over China's continental provinces to Mao Tse-tung's liberation army. And 10 months after the release of Akatsuki no dassō in January 1950, the ROC government and what remained of its national forces took refuge on the province of Taiwan -- the "New China" of the People's Republic of China was founded on the continent -- both ROC and PRC claimed to be the sole legitimate government of China -- then in 1971, recognition politics among members of the United Nations conspired to give ROC's China seat to PRC -- and the rest is today's living history of the continuing standoff between the two entities and countries that take sides.

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Suzuki Seijun's
1965 film adapatation of

Shunpuden

Right
B2 theater poster for
Japan release as
Shunpuden

Below
Jacket and pamphlet of
English-subtitled
DVD release as
Story of a Prostitute

Yosha Bunko scans

Shunpuden 1965
Story of Prostitute 1965
Story of Prostitute 1965 Story of Prostitute 1965

Suzuki Seijun's
1965 film adapatation of

Shunpuden

Stills 23, 24, and 40 from film

Click on images to enlarge
Yosha Bunko scans

Shunpuden 1965
Shunpuden 1965 Shunpuden 1965
Shupuden 1965

Japanese Laser Disc release

English-titled VHS release

LD and VHS images
copped from Internet

Story of Prostitute 1965

Shunpuden 1965

"The Story of a Prostitute"

This 1965 Nikkatsu production, directed by Suzuki Seijun (鈴木清順 b1923), is the second film adaptation of Tamura Taijirō's Shunpuden. Harumi is played by Nogawa Yumiko (野川由美子), who played Maya, one of the prostitutes in Suzuki's direction of Nikkatsu's 1964 remake of Tamura's Nikutai no mon.

The B2 theater poster, used to promote the Japan release of the film, makes this appeal (my structural translation).

戦乱の中国大陸に白熱愛欲模様を描く問題の異色大ロマン!

A problematic different-color (distinctive) great romance, portraying the motiff (conditions) of white-heat love-desire (fervid passion, hot lust) on the war-torn China continent!

English-titled release

Known in its English-titled release as "Story of a Prostitute", this version of Shunpuden is supposed to be truer to the novel -- an impression that begins with the title.

The synopses of the story on Amazon Prime in Japan reads like this (my structural translation).

中国北部の大荒野を疾走するトラックの中で春美はうつろな瞳を黄色い大空に向けていた。天津で春美は愛を裏切られた。春美は絶望を求め、この奥地の慰安所に志願したのだった。山間地にトラックがやって来た時、突如地雷が爆発し、待ち伏せた敵軍が急襲してきた...。女の真実の絶叫を描く

In a truck dashing through the vast barren plains in northern China, Harumi directed her hollow pupils at the vast yellow sky. Harumi had been betrayed in love in Tientsin (T'ien-chin, Tianjin). Harumi, in pursuit of despair, had applied to a comfort station in the hinterland. When the truck came to a place in the mountains, suddenly a land mine explodes, and enemy soldiers laying in wait quicky attacked (stormed) [the truck]. . . . Portrays a woman's true screams

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